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Classical Transports: Latin and Greek Texts in North and Central America before 1800

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Books between Europe and the Americas
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Abstract

On 28 August 2008 Senator Barack Obama delivered his acceptance speech as Democratic candidate for the presidency of the United States. At that convention, three months before his election as the first African-American president of his country, Obama addressed his party in the stadium of the Denver Broncos. He stood in front of a newly minted classical facade, part temple, part theatre with a portico and a double rank of columns. Obama risked ridicule. As Simon Schama wrote of the event, ‘Architrave alert! Fluted columns! Cecil B. DeMille Doric! What a gift to satirists who could lampoon Obama as a wannabe Demosthenes, so self-monumentalised that he seemed to be presumptuously rehearsing the inaugural oath on the Capitol steps.’1

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Notes

  1. Richard M. Gummere, The American Colonial Mind and the Classical Tradition (Cambridge, MA, 1963); Meyer Reinhold, Classica Americana: The Greek and Roman Heritage in the United States (Detroit, 1984); Wolfgang Haase and Meyer Reinhold (eds), The Classical Tradition and the Americas, vol. 1 (Berlin and New York, 1994); and notably, John W. Eadie (ed.), Classical Tradition in Early America (Ann Arbor, MI, 1976); Susan Ford Wiltshire (ed.), The Usefulness of Classical Learning in the Eighteenth Century (University Park, PA, 1976); Susan Ford Wiltshire (ed.), The Classical Tradition in the South, special issue of Southern Humanities Review (Fall, 1977); Roger G. Kennedy, Greek Revival America (New York, 1981); Wendy A. Cooper, Classical Taste in America 1800–1840 (New York, London and Paris, 1993).

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  4. Both are considered in Ward Briggs, ‘United States’, in Craig W. Kallendorf (ed.), A Companion to the Classical Tradition (Oxford, 2007): 282; Dickinson (as ‘Fabius’) was a later enthusiastic quoter of Polybius, Richard, Founders and the Classics, 111.

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  9. See James Raven, ‘Sent to the Wilderness: Mission Literature in Colonial America’, in James Raven (ed.), Free Print and Non-Commercial Publishing since 1700 (London and Vermont, 2000): 135–61 (135–9).

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  15. The quoted text is a translation from Spanish. ‘Un humanismo humano, vital, vivo e itegral, que eleva al primer plano in consideración de la persona humana’, Gabriel Méndez Plancarte, Humanismo Mexicano del Siglo XVI: Introducción, selección y versions (Mexico City, 1946): xi.

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  17. See Susan Ford Wiltshire (ed.), The Usefulness of Classical Learning in the Eighteenth Century (Philadelphia, PA, 1976).

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  18. Among notable British examples, Cesar Picton (c. 1755–1836), a slave from Gorée Island, Senegal, died at Kingston upon Thames, a successful businessman; Caesar Shaw, freed slave and servant, features in two eighteenth-century portraits in the Spencers’ Althorp House, Northamptonshire; Scipio Kennedy, freed slave, served at Culzean Castle, Ayrshire; cf. Michael Craton, Searching for the Invisible Man: Slaves and Plantation Life in Jamaica (Cambridge, MA, and London, 1978). For Caribbean references I am grateful to Matthias Röhrig Assunção.

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  20. Notably, Howard Mumford Jones, O Strange New World: American Culture: The Formative Years (New York, 1952); and see Briggs, ‘United States’, 282–8.

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  22. Cited in David S Shields, Civil Tongues and Polite Letters in British America (Chapel Hill, NC, and London, 1997), 215.

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  23. Notably, Gordon S. Wood, The Creation of the American Republic 1776–1757 (Chapel Hill, NC, 1969): 23–6; see also Richard, Founders and the Classics, arguing that a classical canon was so restrictively influential that it inhibited the founders’ critical instincts (10).

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  31. Ibid., 6.

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  32. See Ibid., 25–35.

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  35. Reproduced and discussed in James Raven, ‘I viaggi dei libri: realtà e raffigurazioni’, in Maria Gioia Tavoni and Françoise Waquet (eds), Gli spazi del libro nell’Europa del XVIII secolo (Bologna, 1997): 47–86; and Raven, ‘Representation of Philanthropy and Reading in the Eighteenth-Century Library’.

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  36. Reproduced in Rollo G. Silver, The American Printer, 1757–1525 (Charlottesville, VA, 1967), plate XV; I am grateful to James Green for this reference.

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  37. P[ierce] Tempest, Iconologia: Or, Moral Emblems, by Caesar Ripa (London, 1709): i.

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  38. Memo of letter from Eliza Pinckney to her father, Jan 1741–42, and letter to Mary Bartlett (1742) in Elise Pinckney (ed.), The Letterbook of Eliza Lucas Pinckney 1739–1762 (Chapel Hill, NC, 1972): 24, 35–7.

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  43. Clive Griffin, The Crombergers of Seville: The History of a Printing and Merchant Dynasty (Oxford, 1988): 56–7, 63–97, 146, table IV.

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  44. Some indication of the range of imports can be gleaned from J. Yhmoff Cabrera, Catálogo de Los Impresos Europeos del Siglo XVI que Custodia la Biblioteca Nacional de Mexico, 3 vols (Mexico City, 1996).

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  45. Stuart Gillespie, ‘The Developing Corpus of Literary Translation’, in Peter France and Stuart Gillespie (eds), The Oxford History of Literary Translation in English vol. 3 1660–1790 (Oxford, 2005): 123–46 (143–4;cf. also figs. 1 and 2, pp. 133, 134).

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© 2011 James Raven

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Raven, J. (2011). Classical Transports: Latin and Greek Texts in North and Central America before 1800. In: Howsam, L., Raven, J. (eds) Books between Europe and the Americas. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1057/9780230305090_8

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  • DOI: https://doi.org/10.1057/9780230305090_8

  • Publisher Name: Palgrave Macmillan, London

  • Print ISBN: 978-1-349-33074-4

  • Online ISBN: 978-0-230-30509-0

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