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Colonial Genocide: The Herero and Nama War (1904–8) in German South West Africa and Its Significance

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The Historiography of Genocide

Abstract

With these words the German Minister for Development and Economic Cooperation, Heidemarie Wieczorek-Zeul, officially apologized on 14 August 2004 in Omahakari, Namibia for the atrocities committed a century earlier by German imperial troops. Hundred years after the genocidal warfare conducted by the Schutztruppe in German South West Africa, in which the German colonial army deliberately killed thousands of Herero and Nama men, women and children; let even more die of thirst in the Omaheke desert; and murdered thousands more by deliberate neglect in concentration camps, the German government officially acknowledged these crimes. To my knowledge it is the first and only apology by a high-ranking member of the government of a former colonial power referring to genocide for colonial crimes. This acknowledgement of historical guilt and the application of the term genocide3 not only changed the landscape of memory in Germany but can also be considered a landmark event in dealing with genocides in the colonial context.4

The war has been known over time by many names. New post-colonial and postindependent perspectives demand that Herero or Nama should be named first, or that we should use the plural ‘wars’ to indicate that both the fighting between Herero and the German army and Nama and the German army are being referred to. I use the singular form in the sense in which one uses the term World War for a series of distinct, yet intrinsically linked conflicts. What is important, however, is that the Eurocentric terms ‘rebellion’, ‘uprising’, ‘insurrection’ or ‘revolt’ are put to rest once and forever. These only perpetuate the colonial perspective. The implicitly made — yet fundamental — assumption behind such a labelling is to criminalize the Africans’ war, since it implies that German colonial rule was legitimate, that the Kaiser was the lawful sovereign against whom the Herero illegitimately rose up. The Herero are put into the position of criminals, of lawbreakers. This might be the colonialist’s perspective at the time and even today, it is however not an unbiased one and it is certainly not that of Herero and Nama. There is plenty of evidence to suggest that Herero and Nama leaders understood the Germans in the early days of colonialism as a partner and ally in their wars and struggles, not, however, as their sovereigns. Terminology shapes perception, and by using terms such as rebellion, the colonial ideology of Europeans as rightful masters of the world is perpetuated. Talking about rebellions and uprisings should therefore be avoided, and the conflict named as what it was: a war and/or a genocide. In most of the literature, the war is seen as lasting from 1904 to 1907. I prefer to use 1908 as the end of the war, because it was then that the concentration camps were dissolved and most prisoners released. Some historians even prefer 1912, when the last Nama returned from their imprisonment in other colonies, at least the few that had survived.

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Notes

  1. I am reluctant to use the term ‘colonial genocide’, because as I have discussed elsewhere, it includes the danger of creating an essentialist distinction between colonial genocides and ‘proper’ ones by creating a new category. Colonial genocide in this context means genocide in the colonial context. See J. Zimmerer, ‘Kolonialer Genozid? Möglichkeiten und Grenzen einer historischen Kategorie für eine Globalgeschichte der Massengewalt’, in Enteignet-Vertrieben-Ermordet. Beiträge zur Genozidforschung, eds. D. J. Schaller, R. Boyadjian, H. Scholtz and V. Berg (Zürich: Chronos, 2004), pp. 109–28.

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  2. This is a classic apologetic interpretation, which recently found new expression in the context of the new-found patriotic feeling which some German publicists discovered at the time of the Football World Cup in 2006. See, for example, M. Matussek, Wir Deutschen. Warum uns die anderen gern haben können (Frankfurt am Main: S. Fischer, 2006).

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  3. C. Browning, ‘The Decision-Making Process’, in The Historiography of the Holocaust, ed. D. Stone (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2004), p. 173.

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  4. See, for a summary of the events, J. Zimmerer ‘Krieg, KZ & Völkermord. Der erste deutsche Genozid’, in Völkermord in Deutsch-Südwestafrika. Der Kolonialkrieg (1904–1908) in Namibia und seine Folgen, eds, J. Zimmerer and J. Zeller (Berlin: Ch. Links 2003), pp. 45–63.

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  5. See also J.-B. Gewald, ‘Imperial Germany and the Herero of Southern Africa: Genocide and the Quest for Recompense’; in Genocide, War Crimes & the West: History and Complicity, ed., A. Jones (London: Zed Books, 2004), pp. 59–77

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  6. D. Schaller, ‘Ich glaube, dass die Nation als solche vernichtet werden muss: Kolonialkrieg und Völkermord in Deutsch-Südwestafrika 1904–1907’, Journal of Genocide Research, 6, 3 (2004), 395–430; D. Schaller, ‘Kolonialkrieg, Völkermord und Zwangsarbeit in Deutsch-Südwestafrika’, in Enteignet-Vertrieben-Ermordet, eds, Schaller, Dominik, Rupen Boyadjian, Vivianne Berg, Hanno Scholtz, pp. 147–232

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  8. For an overview of the Maji-Maji see now F. Becker and J. Beez, eds, Der Maji-Maji-Krieg in Deutsch-Ostafrika, 1905–1907 (Berlin: Ch. Links, 2005).

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  9. For an overview of German utopian plans and the problems with enacting it in the colonial context, see J. Zimmerer, ‘Der koloniale Musterstaat? Rassentrennung, Arbeitszwang und totale Kontrolle in Deutsch-Südwestafrika’, in Völkermord in Deutsch-Südwestafrika, eds, Zimmerer and Zeller, pp. 26–41. For a more detailled account see J. Zimmerer, Deutsche Herrschaft über Afrikaner. Staatlicher Machtanspruch und Wirklichkeit im kolonialen Namibia, 3rd edn (Münster: LIT, 2004).

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  21. I have explained in detail that Leutwein’s colonial aims would have also led to the destruction of African culture and tradition. Africans would have been transformed into a ‘black’ working class, devoid of any memory of their cultural origins or the Herero, Nama or Ovambo identity. See Zimmerer, Deutsche Herrschaft über Afrikaner. In many respects the war just sped things along. The cultural destruction at which Leutwein aimed could also be termed genocide, as cultural genocide is increasingly understood as a form of genocide, as in Lemkin’s explanation: genocide does not necessarily mean ‘the immediate destruction of a nation, except when accomplished by mass killings of all members of a nation. It is intended rather to signify a coordinated plan of different actions aiming at the destruction of essential foundations of the life of national groups, with the aim of annihilating the groups themselves. The objectives of such a plan would be disintegration of the political and social institutions, of culture, language, national feelings, religion, and the economic existence of national groups, and the destruction of the personal security, liberty, health, dignity, and even the lives of the individuals belonging to such groups.’ R. Lemkin, Axis Rule in Occupied Europe (Washington, D.C.: Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, 1944), p. 90.

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  22. The term ‘settler historiography’, as coined by Andreas Eckl, means amateurish accounts by German-Namibians living in the country today. Their main qualification seems to be a sort of Southwesterness, of being born in the country, of being socialized in a certain settler-colonial environment. ‘Knowing’ the country replaces all academic methods or scholarly training. In a rather ironic twist they are the living embodiment of all the exclusionary practises of the settler-colonial project. A critical analysis of this phenomenon is overdue; a first sketch can be found in C. Marx, ‘Entsorgen und Entseuchen. Zur Diskussionskultur in der derzeitigen namibischen Historiographie — eine Polemik’, in Genozid und Gedenken. Namibisch-deutsche Geschichte und Gegenwart, ed. H. Melber (Frankfurt am Main: Brandes & Apsel, 2005).

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  23. B. Lau, ‘Uncertain Certainties. The Herero-German War of 1904’, Mibagus, 2 (1989)

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  25. For a summary of this debate see: T. Dedering, ‘The German-Herero War of 1904. Revisionism of Genocide or Imaginary Historiography?’, Journal of Southern African Studies, 19 (1993), 80–8.

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  27. For a more detailed argument about continuities of segregationist policies, see J. Zimmerer, ‘Deutscher Rassenstaat in Afrika. Ordnung, Entwicklung und Segregation in “Deutsch-Südwest” (1884–1915)’, in Gesetzliches Unrecht. Rassistisches Recht im 20. Jahrhundert (=Jahrbuch zur Geschichte und Wirkung des Holocaust, 2005) (Frankfurt am Main: Campus, 2005), pp. 135–53; idem., ‘Von Windhuk nach Warschau. Die rassische Privilegiengesellschaft in Deutsch-Südwestafrika — ein Modell mit Zukunft?’, in: RassenmischehenMischlingeRassentrennung. Zur Politik der Rasse im deutschen Kolonialreich, ed., F. Becker (Stuttgart: Steiner, 2005), pp. 97–123.

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  28. See, for an overview, the debate between Hull and myself in Bulletin of the German Historical Institute, Washington, D.C., 37 (2005).

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  30. R. Kößler, In Search of Survival and Dignity. Two Traditional Communities in Southern Namibia under South African Rule (Frankfurt am Main: IKO, 2006).

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  31. For an overview on German historiographical controversies see K. Große Kracht, Die zankende Zunft. Historische Kontroversen in Deutschland nach 1945, (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck und Ruprecht, 2005).

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  32. See, for an overview, Zimmerer, ‘Kolonialer Genozid’. For the Australian example, together with the Herero and Nama case probably the most intensely debated example at the moment, see A. D. Moses, ed., Genocide and Settler Society: Frontier Violence and Stolen Indigenous Children in Australian History (New York: Berghahn, 2004). For a more general introduction see Patterns of Prejudice, 39, 2 (2005), special issue, ‘Colonial Genocide’, eds, A. D. Moses and D. Stone; and A. D. Moses, ed., Empire, Colony, Genocide (New York: Berghahn, 2008).

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  33. I have further emphasised this point in J. Zimmerer, ‘Das Deutsche Reich und der Genozid. Überlegungen zum historischen Ort des Völkermordes an den Herero und Nama’, in Namibia-Deutschland. Eine geteilte Geschichte. Widerstand, Gewalt, Erinnerung, eds, L. Förster, D. Henrichsen and M. Bollig (Cologne: Edition Minerva, 2004), pp. 106–21.

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  34. J. Zimmerer, ‘The Birth of the “Eastern Land” out of the Spirit of Colonialism: A Postcolonial Perspective on the Nazi Policy of Conquest and Extermination’, Patterns of Prejudice, 39, 2 (2005), 197–219.

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  35. This conclusion must be drawn from the sudden interest of public and private TV in German colonial history. See, for example, the mini-series ‘Die Wüstenblume’, which uses German South West Africa as background for its love story. Or the TV documentary ‘Deutsche Kolonien’, which was the first documentary screened on prime time TV. See for ‘Die Wüstenblume’, W. Struck, ‘The Persistence of (Colonial) Fantasies’ (paper presented at the conference War, Genocide and Memory. German Colonialism and National Identity, Sheffield, 11–13 September 2006. For the TV documentary see my review ‘Warum nicht mal nen Neger’?, Süddeutsche Zeitung (23 November 2005). As a third example, from literature, one could name Herero by Gerhard Seyfried, highly praised in German reviews. See my review ‘Keine Geiseln der Geschichte’, Die Tageszeitung (taz) (10 January 2004). Most of these productions claim to have an anti-colonial impetus, but this is mainly restricted to the surface. Beyond this lip service they use all the usual colonial stereotypes. As interesting as the works themselves are the debates among the literary and film critics, which tend to be quite positive, bar all understanding of the mechanisms of colonialism. They show that colonial nostalgia is restricted neither to a few authors or film directors, nor to the so-called uneducated classes.

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  36. For an overview of the reparations claim see J. Böhlke-Itzen, Kolonialschuld und Entschädigung. Der deutsche Völkermord an den Herero 1904–1907 (Frankfurt am Main: Brandes&Apsel, 2004).

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  37. For the discussions since 2004 see J. Zimmerer, ‘Entschädigung für Herero and Nama’, Blätter für deutsche und international Politik, 50, 6 (2005), 658–60. For the latest development see H.- Melber, ‘Genocide’, Insight (November 2006).

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  38. See H. Hintze, ‘Pressure Mounts for Reparations’, The Namibian (19 October 2006).

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© 2008 Jürgen Zimmerer

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Zimmerer, J. (2008). Colonial Genocide: The Herero and Nama War (1904–8) in German South West Africa and Its Significance. In: Stone, D. (eds) The Historiography of Genocide. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1057/9780230297784_13

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  • DOI: https://doi.org/10.1057/9780230297784_13

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