Europeanization through Violence? War Experiences and the Making of Modern Europe

  • Robert Gerwarth
  • Stephan Malinowski
Part of the The Palgrave Macmillan Transnational History Series book series (PMSTH)


Unlike the more ambivalent transnational concepts of ‘Americanization’ and ‘Globalization’, the increasingly popular term ‘Europeanization’ is generally used to describe unambiguously positive processes of political, socio-economic and cultural integration within the institutional framework of the European Union.1 Peaceful forms of cross-cultural encounters, shared values, free trade, transnational exchanges of ideas, a culture of compromise, and increasing inter-state cooperation are, or so it seems, at the heart of what we commonly perceive as ‘Europeanization’; a transnational process that culminated in the EU, a realm of peace and prosperity in which the demons of a nationalist past have become history.2


European Civilization European History European Identity Divisive Event Settler Coloni 
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  1. See, for example: R. Harmsen and T. Wilson, ‘Introduction: Approaches to Europeanization’, Yearbook of European Studies, XIV (2004), 13–26; T. Börzel and T. Risse, ‘Europeanization: The Domestic Impact of European Union Politics’ in K.E. Jorgensen et al. (eds), Handbook of European Union Politics (London, 2006), pp. 483–504. See also D. Dinan, Europe Recast: A History of the European Union (Basingstoke, 2004).Google Scholar
  2. See, for example: P. Valéry, Variété I (Paris, 1924) and K. Jaspers, ‘Vom Europäischen Geist’ in: idem, Rechenschaft und Ausblick: Reden und Aufsätze (Munich, 1951), pp. 275–311; O. Asbach, ‘Die Erfindung des modernen Europa in der französischen Aufklärung’, Francia, XXXI (2004), 55–94; A. Pagden (ed.), The Idea of Europe: From Antiquity to the European Union (Cambridge and New York, 2002).Google Scholar
  3. See: K.K. Patel, ‘In Search of a Transnational Historicization: National Socialism and its Place in History’ in K. Jarausch and T. Lindenberger (eds), Conflicted Memories, pp. 96–116; A. Bauerkämper, ‘The Ambiguities of Transnationalism: Fascism in Europe between Pan-Europeanism and Ultra-Nationalism, 1919–1939’, Bulletin of the German Historical Institute London, IXXX (2007), 43–67.Google Scholar
  4. B. Malinowski, ‘The Pan-African Problem of Culture Contact’, American Journal of Sociology, XLXIII (1943), 649–65, quotation on p. 660.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  5. A.H.M. Kirk-Greene, ‘The Thin White Line’, African Affairs, LXXIX (1980), 25–44.Google Scholar
  6. F. Tiedemann, ‘On the Brain of the Negro, Compared with That of the European and the Orang-Outang’, Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society of London XXVI (1936), 497–527. On the context, see the short survey provided by D. Claussen, Was heisst Rassismus? (Darmstadt and Munich, 1994/2007).Google Scholar
  7. Detailed statistics on the British case can be found in: PRO, CO 1017/666. See, too J.M. Hodge, ‘British Colonial Expertise, Post-Colonial Careering and the Early History of International Development’ in Corinna Unger and Stephan Malinowski (eds), Modernizing Mission: Approaches to ‘Developing’ the Non-Western World after 1945 (Journal of Modern European History, 2009); V. Dimier, ‘L’institutionalisation de la Commission européenne (DG Développement) du rôle des leaders dans la construction d’une administration multinationale 1958–1975’, Revue Études inter-nationales, XXXIV (2003), 401–27.Google Scholar
  8. See the chapter contribution by Henning Grunwald in this volume. See, too: C. Kleiser, ‘Wer spricht für wen? Repräsentations- und sprachkritische Bemerkungen zur Rede vom “europäischen Gedächtnis”, ausgehend von der politischen Essayistik Jorge Semprúns’, in Zeitgeschichte, XXXV (2008), 123–37.Google Scholar

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© R. Gerwarth and S. Malinowski 2010

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  • Robert Gerwarth
  • Stephan Malinowski

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