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Slavery, Sorcery and Colonial ‘Reality’ in Mauritania, c. 1910–60

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Agency and Action in Colonial Africa

Abstract

The continent of Africa was still ‘dark’ to its new twentieth-century masters. Nineteenth-century European explorers had mapped many of its physical contours but for the colonial administrators who arrived for the mission civilisatrice, the human profile of this immense land was an enigma. There were few desirable postings but among French conquered territories there were few less desirable than the Sahara. Heat and sand were unbearable, nomadic ‘natives’ were decidedly unfriendly and economic gains were non-existent. Moreover, Saharans were Muslims, potential ‘fanatics’ like those who had recently led bloody revolts in Algeria.1 And they were all ‘slavers’: they captured innocent women and children and protected a thriving Saharan slave trade in the Islamic world in defiance of civilized laws. Worse, they openly practised slavery, claiming special status because their religion had a place for slaves in its social and moral order. It soon became apparent that the Saharan world was also one of illusions. Human institutions masked non-human sources of power. It was the supernatural that really governed. And the supernatural lay well beyond both the comprehension of Europeans and the influence of their colonial authority.

We are in the domain of the supernatural and everyone knows that domain is closed to the Europeans.

Lt. Busquet, Rapport de tournée à Toungad, 1936

In the Name of God, the Merciful, the Compassionate Say, ’I take refuge with the Lord of the Daybreak, from the evil of what he has created, from the evil of darkness when it gathers, from the evil of women who blow on knots, from the evil of an envier when he envies.

From the Qur’an

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Notes

  1. For the nineteenth-century development of French ‘understanding’ of sufi Islam and marabouts in Algeria, Julia Clancy Smith, ‘In the eye of the beholder: sufi and saint in North Africa and the colonial production of knowledge, 1830–1900’, Africana Journal, XV, (1990): 220–57.

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  2. In keeping with the intent of this volume to acknowledge the contributions of John Flint to African history. I wrote this also to thank him for his kindness and support during my time as a postdoctoral fellow at Dalhousie. His invitation to co-write the Ajayi and Crowder chapter on nineteenth-century economic change in West Africa expressed a confidence in my work which was enormously appreciated, then as always.

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  3. This task was begun in 1988 with my paper ‘Slavery, Sorcery and Ethnicity: Understanding Mauritanian Slavery’, presented at the Canadian Association of African Studies conference, Queen’s University.

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  4. I have used the translation from the Arabic by Abdel Wedoud ould Cheikh, ‘Nomadisme, Islam et Pouvoir Politique dans la Société Maure Precoloniale (XI siècle – XIXe siècle): essai qu quelques aspects du tribalisme’ (Thèse pour le doctorate en sociologie, Université de Paris V, 1985) pp. 431–2. More accessible is the rendering in Ahmed Lamine ech Chenguetti, El Wasit, Etudes Mauritaniennes No. 5 (Saint Louis, Sénégal, Centre IFAN-Mauritania, 1953) 138.

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  5. Ould Cheikh, pp. 421–2; McDougall, ‘Slavery, Sorcery . . . ’; Pierre Bonte, ‘L’emirate de l’Adrar’. (Thèse pour le doctorate en anthropologie, Université de Paris V, 1998) ch. 17 (no page numbers); Allan G. B. Fisher and Humphrey J. Fisher, Slavery and Muslim Society in Africa (London: C. Hurst, 1970) pp. 57, 92.

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  6. E.g. Esther Goody, ‘Legitimate and illegitimate aggression in a West African State’ in Mary Douglas (ed.), Witchcraft Confessions and Accusations (London: Tavistock, 1970), pp. 207–44; Karen E. Fields, ‘Political Contingencies of Witchcraft in Colonial Central Africa: Culture and the State in Marxist Theory’, Canadian Journal of African Studies, 16, 3 (1982) 567–93; Cyprian Fisiy and Peter Geschière ‘Witchcraft, violence and identity: different trajectories in postcolonial Cameroon’, in Richard P. Werbner and T. O. Ranger (eds), Postcolonial Identities in Africa (London: Zed Books, 1996), pp. 195–221. Colonial visitors often misunderstood the differences between ‘black’ and ‘white’ magic and who controlled each; e.g. Horace Miner, cited in Martin A. Klein, Slavery and Colonial Rule in French West Africa (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998), p. 248, who confused the power of marabouts with those who dealt in the ‘black arts’.

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  7. Philippe Delisle, ‘Aux sources de l’univers magico-religieux Mariniquais: esclavage et phobie des sorciers’, Cahiers d’histoire 41, 1(1996) 61–7; Esteban Montejo, ‘A Cuban Slave’s Testimony’ in Darien J. Davis (ed.) Slavery and Beyond: the African Impact on Latin America and the Caribbean (Wilmington, NC: Jaguar Books, 1995), pp. 11–28.

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  8. The materials are numerous. Most detailed on Mauritania are Pierre LaForgue’s three articles: ‘Les Djenoun de la Mauritania Saharienne’, Bulletin du Comité d’Etude Historique et Scientifique de l’Afrique Occidentale Française, vol. xiv, 3 (1931) 433–52; ‘Les Djenoun de la Mauritanie Saharienne: magiciens, croyances et légendes’, ibid. t.xv, 2–3 (1933) 400–25; ‘Les Djenoun de la Mauritanie saharienne: rites magiques et djedoual’, ibid. t.xviii, 1 (1935) 2–35; the seminal work is still Edward Westermark’s Ritual and Belief in Morocco, 2 vols (London: Macmillan, 1926; reprint New York: University Books, 1968). Volume 1 devotes some 600 pages to these topics.

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  9. Fisiy & Geschière, ‘Witchcraft . . . in Cameroon’; also Adeline Masquelier, ‘Identity, alterity and ambiguity in a Nigerian community: competing definitions of “true” Islam’, 222–44 and Rijk van Dijk, Peter Pels, ‘Contested authorities and the politics of perception: deconstructing the study of religion in Africa’, 256–70, both in Werbner and Ranger, Postcolonial Identities.

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  10. Archives de Shingiti [AS] ‘Cahier d’enregistrement, 1911. Lettres du résident de Chinguetti au Resident d’Atar, 18–27 aôut 1911’ (cited in Bonte).

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  11. Archives Nationales, République Islamique de la Mauritanie [ARIM] E1 33–1, Rapports Politiques de l’Adrar, 27 oct. 1918.

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  12. Archives regionales de l’Adrar [AA]. Dossier 68. Rapports politiques. Rapport politique de l’Adrar. 3ème tri. 1921 (cited in Bonte).

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  13. [AA] Justice. Lettre Lt. Gov. Mauritanie (Gaden) à Cdt. Com. Tagant, Tidjikja, 22 dec. 1922 [misfiled in Adrar archives].

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  14. Interview, Miman ould Khalifa, Mohamed Cheikh ould Aly, 18 Sept. 1984, Tidjikja.

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  15. ARIM E2-118, Rapport Politique. Rapport de tournée, Toungad. Juillet 1934.

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  16. ARIM E2-118. Rapport Politique. Rapport annual, sub-division Atar, Lt. Busquet (juillet 1936) ‘Note sur la sorcellerie’.

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  17. Bonte, ‘archives coloniaux’ (no details).

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  18. Ibid.

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  19. Ibid.

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  20. Interview, Miman ould Khalifa, Mohamed Cheikh ould Aly, Tidjikja.

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  21. Especially Fields ‘Political contingencies . . . ’; Fisiy and Geschière, ‘Witchcraft .. . in Cameroon’.

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  22. He was said to ‘hate the Smacids [dominant tribe, Atar]’ and to ‘lose no occasion to excite the tirailleur against the people of the town’. ARIM E1 33–1, 1918.

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  23. Ibid.

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  24. ARIM E2-118. Rapport Politique, 1936 (‘Note sur la sorcellerie’).

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  25. Busquet noted that he seldom received more than 300 or 400 francs. This is inconsistent with custom which demands that the full ‘contract’ be paid or the ‘cure’ will fail (Laforgue, ‘Les Djenoun de la Mauritanie saharienne: rites magiques et djedoual’).

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  26. ARIM E2-118. Rapport Politique, 1936 (‘Note sur la sorcellerie’).

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  27. Interview, Miman ould Khalifa, Tidjikja.

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  28. Delisle.

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  29. E. Ann McDougall, ‘A topsy-turvy world: slaves and freed slaves in the Mauritanian Adrar, 1910–1950’ in Suzanne Miers and Richard Roberts (eds) The End of Slavery in Africa (Madison: University of Wisconsin, 1988), pp. 362–88.

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  30. Bonte (for the Adrar); McDougall ‘Interview’ (Adrar, Tagant).

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  31. The following is from Brian Spooner ‘The Evil Eye in the Middle East’, in Douglas (ed.), Witchcraft, pp. 311–19; it draws generally from Westermark, Ritual and Belief in Morocco, vol. 1 (414–78).

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  32. Spooner, ‘The Evil Eye’, 314.

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  33. They could suckle ‘noble’ Mauritanian babies, and give birth by their own masters; but children recognized by these fathers were ‘nobles’, not ‘slaves’ (McDougall, ‘A topsy-turvy world’).

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  34. Even in nineteenth-century Tidjikja, ech-Chenguetti reported ‘vampires’ had been attracted by the exorcist who ‘were not suspected’, suggesting that they may not have been slaves.

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  35. Fields, ‘Political contingencies’; Fisiy and Geschière, ‘Witchcraft . . . in Cameroon’.

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  36. Reiterated in Klein, referring to the general belief that slaves exercised ‘darker powers’: ‘The powerful thus fear the ability of the powerless to bewitch them’ (p. 248).

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  37. Clancy Smith ‘In the Eye of the Beholder’; also F. M. Colombani, ‘Le Guidimaka’, Bulletin du Comité d’Etude Historique et Scientifique de l’Afrique Occidentale Française, vol. xiv, 3 (1931) 365–432, ‘In the Eye of the Beholder’ who wrote about the Saracolle marabouts in the southern regions of Mauritania. He saw them as dangerous ‘magicians’, playing a critical role in local political competitions, whose power needed to be dissipated (428–31).

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  38. As interpreted in the Cameroon (Fisiy and Geschière) and parts of Anglophone Africa (Fields).

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  39. Interview, Mohamed Cheikh ould Aly, Tidjikja. One of his relatives had been thusly imprisoned.

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  40. ARIM E2-118. Rapport Politique, 1936 (‘Note sur la sorcellerie’).

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  41. Interview, Mohamed Cheikh ould Aly, Tidjikja.

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© 2001 Palgrave Macmillan, a division of Macmillan Publishers Limited

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McDougall, E.A. (2001). Slavery, Sorcery and Colonial ‘Reality’ in Mauritania, c. 1910–60. In: Youé, C., Stapleton, T. (eds) Agency and Action in Colonial Africa. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1057/9780230288485_5

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