Abstract
The social and political values (justice, peace, welfare, morality, order) discussed in the foregoing chapters are far from unfamiliar to historians of late sixteenth-and early seventeenth-century England. The social depth of their internalisation (especially among the middling sort) has, however, rarely been recognised. The novelty of this analysis accordingly lies in its contribution to a more fully integrated understanding of the nature and mechanics of governance. Taken together, these chapters cumulatively demonstrate the deeply paradoxical nature of the relationship between state and society. On the one hand, they suggest that recent historiography has exaggerated not only the modernity of social relations in this period, but also the effectiveness of the state that mediated them. On the other, they intimate that the shifting configurations of interest in early modern England represent a decisive phase in the emergence of novel social and political categories. These conclusions imply that the late Elizabethan and early Stuart period constituted a crucial phase of adjustment, a decisive episode of discontinuity, during which the parameters of the relationship between the state and society were redefined. This redefinition, moreover, was just as much a matter of local as of central initiative.
The argument [concerning the nature and development of English social relations in the past] is in part about power and in part about cultural alienation.
Edward Thompson (1991)1
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Notes
Keith Thomas, Religion and the Decline of Magic: Studies in Popular Beliefs in Sixteenth-and Seventeenth-Century England (1971), pp. 3–26; Wiener, ‘The Beleagured Isle’; Louis A. Knafla, ‘“Sin of All Sorts Swarmeth”: Criminal Litigation in an English County in the Early Seventeenth Century’, in E.W. Ives and A.H. Manchester (eds), Law, Litigants and the Legal Profession (1983), pp. 50–67; Sharpe, ‘Social Strain & Social Dislocation’.
Victor Turner, The Ritual Process: Structure and Anti-Structure (1969), passim; Scott, Domination & the Arts of Resistance, passim.
Brewer, The Sinews of Power, pp. 221–49; Paul Langford, A Polite and Commercial People: England, 1727–1783 (Oxford, 1989), pp. 59–122;
Dror Wahrman, Imagining the Middle Class: The Political Representation of Class in Britain, c.1780–1840 (Cambridge, 1995), pp. 157–83, 328–76.
Cf. Jonathan Barry, ‘Review and Commentary: The State and the Middle Classes in Eighteenth-Century England’, Journal of Historical Sociology 4 (1991), 75–86.
Geoff Eley, ‘Nations, Publics, and Political Cultures: Placing Habermas in the Nineteenth Century’, in Craig Calhoun (ed.), Habermas and the Public Sphere (Cambridge, Mass., 1992), p. 290.
Cf. Jurgen Habermas, The Structural Trnasformation of the Public Sphere: An Inquiry into a Category of Bourgeois Society ([English trans.] Cambridge, Mass., 1989).
Two honourable exceptions are the sociologists Margaret R. Somers, ‘Citizenship and the Place of the Public Sphere: Law, Community and Political Culture in the Transition to Democracy’, American Sociological Review 58 (1993), 587–620;
and David Zaret, ‘Petitions and the “Invention” of Public Opinion in the English Revolution, 1640–60’, American Journal of Sociology 101 (1996), 1497–1555.
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© 2002 Steve Hindle
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Hindle, S. (2002). Conclusion: the Making of a Political Culture. In: The State and Social Change in Early Modern England, 1550–1640. Early Modern History: Society and Culture. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1057/9780230288461_9
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1057/9780230288461_9
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