Abstract
Military officers’ experiences of the Revolutionary and Napoleonic Wars differed dramatically for reasons that are obvious in some cases and in others merit further consideration. If not cut short by injury or death, an ambitious officer’s career was largely shaped during this period by his ability to adapt both to the changing nature of war and politics and to the evolving relationship between them. Historian David A. Bell has recently characterized these changes in terms of an increasing differentiation of the military from the civilian sphere. By the late eighteenth century Bell argues, a ‘culture of war’ that was dominated by aristocrats who did not sharply distinguish their professional roles as military officers from their social identity as noblemen gave way to a new culture organized around a separation of the military from civil society. This new culture came with an ‘infrastructure of difference’ that segregated the military institutionally by housing soldiers in barracks, educating them in military academies and regulating their conduct by means of a separate legal system. Officers were required to wear uniforms that visually displayed their military status, to spend more and more time soldiering and to espouse a political cause rather than a code of honour to which they were unconditionally bound. Instead of belonging to a warrior class that adhered to a concept of honour that pre-dated the nation-state, they were becoming professionals in the service of a state government, regardless of whether they fought for their native country.1
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Notes
David A. Bell, The First Total War: Napoleon’s Europe and the Birth of Modern Warfare (London, 2007), 11–12, 24–37.
On the republican tradition, see J. G. A. Pocock, The Machiavellian Moment: Florentine Political Thought and the Atlantic Tradition (Princeton, 1975);
Martin van Gelderen and Quentin Skinner (eds), Republicanism: A Shared European Heritage, 2 vols (Cambridge, UK, 2002).
On effeminacy in eighteenth-century (political) culture, see Michèle Cohen, Fashioning Masculinity: National Identity and Language in the Eighteenth Century (London, 1996);
Linda C. Dowling, Hellenism and Homosexuality in Victorian Oxford (Ithaca, NY, 1994), 5–12; Vincent Quinn and Mary Peace (eds), Luxurious Sexualities: Effeminacy, Consumption, and the Body Politic in Eighteenth-Century Representation, special issue of Textual Practice 11 (1997): 405–415.
My description of Chassé’s life and career relies on the following works: W. J. Del Campo, Het leven en de krijgsbedrijven van David Hendrikus baron Chassé (Hertogenbosch, 1849);
A. Haak, Chassé (Rijswijk, 1938);
Leo Turksma, Wisselend lot in een woelige tijd: Van Hogendorp, Krayenhoff Chassé en Janssens, generaals in Bataafs-Franse dienst (Westervoort, 2005).
Biographical information on Daendels in this essay is drawn from F. van Anrooy et al., Herman Willem Daendels, 1762–1818: Geldersman, patriot, facobijn, generaal, hereboer, maarschalk, gouverneur van Hattem naar St. George del Mina (Utrecht, 1991);
Isidore Mendels, Herman Willem Daendels, vóór zijne benoeming tot gouverneur-generaal van Oost-Indië (1762–1807) (The Hague, 1890);
Paul van ‘t Veer, Daendels: Maarschalk van Holland (Bussum, 1983).
For overviews of this period, see Remieg Aerts, ‘Een Staat in verbouwing: Van republiek naar constitutioneel koninkrijk 1780–1848’, in Land van kleine gebaren: Een politieke geschiedenis van Nederland 1780–1990, ed. Remieg Aerts et al. (Nijmegen, 1999), 11–95;
Jonathan I. Israel, The Dutch Republic: Its Rise, Greatness, and Fall, 1477–1806 (Oxford, 1995);
Margaret C. Jacob and Wijnand W. Mijnhardt (eds), The Dutch Republic in the Eighteenth Century (Ithaca, 1992).
Israel, Dutch Republic, 1101–1107; S. R. E. Klein, Patriots Republikanisme: Politieke cultuur in Nederland 1766–1787 (Amsterdam, 1995), ch. 5;
H. L. Zwitzer, ‘De militaire dimensie van de patriottenbeweging’, in Voor vaderland en vrijheid. De revolutie van de patriotten, ed. F. Grijzenhout et al. (Amsterdam, 1987), 27–51.
Stefan Dudink, ‘Masculinity, Effeminacy, Time: Conceptual Change in the Dutch Age of Democratic Revolutions’, in Masculinities in Politics and War: Gendering Modern History, ed. Stefan Dudink et al. (Manchester, 2004), 77–95.
Ibid. 87; W. R. E. Velema, ‘Contemporaine reacties op het patriotse politieke vocabulaire’, in De droom van de revolutie: Nieuwe benaderingen van het Patriottisme, ed. H. Bots and W. W. Mijnhardt (Amsterdam, 1988), 32–48, 39–43;
W. R. E. Velema, Enlightenment and Conservatism in the Dutch Republic: The Political Thought of Elie Luzac (Assen, 1993), 161–169.
Jos Gabriels, ‘Tussen Groot-Brittannië en Frankrijk: De landstrijdkrachten van een onmachtige mogendheid’, in Met man en macht: De militaire geschiedenis van Nederland, 1550–2000, ed. J. R. Bruijn and C. B. Wels (Amsterdam, 2003), 143–178, 158.
For the Dutch Brigade and the Peninsular War, see J. A. de Moor and H. Ph. Vogel, Duizend miljoen maal vervloekt land: De Hollandse Brigade in Spanje 1808–1813 (Amsterdam, 1991).
For this originally aristocratic notion of honour and its relation to emerging nationalism and its demands for loyalty, see Bell, First Total War, 35–36; Christopher Duffy, The Military Experience in the Age of Reason (Ware, 1998), 74–80.
Del Campo, Het leven, 39–43; J. Bosscha, Neerlands heldendaden te land: Van de vroegste tijden of tot op onze dagen, 4 vols (Leeuwarden, 1873), vol. 3, 212, 229, 232–234, 254, 263, 267.
On Daendels’s years in Java, see Veer, Daendels, chs 6–9. For an overview of his reforms, see H. W. van der Doel, Het Rijk van Insulinde: Opkomst en ondergang van een Nederlandse kolonie (Amsterdam, 1996), 14–17.
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Dudink, S. (2010). In the Shadow of the Citizen-Soldier: Politics and Gender in Dutch Officers’ Careers, 1780–1815. In: Hagemann, K., Mettele, G., Rendall, J. (eds) Gender, War and Politics. War, Culture and Society, 1750–1850. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1057/9780230283046_6
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