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The Pathos of Science, 1870–1914

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Abstract

At a time when biological theories of human nature were at their zenith and endorsed by some of the most powerful political regimes in Europe, the Spanish philosopher José Ortega y Gasset unhesitatingly declared that “[m]an has no nature. What he has is history.”1 This was a powerful critique of the biologisation of national identity his contemporaries seemed to accept so eagerly. Indeed, by the late 1930s, most cultural commentators and philosophers — not to mention scientists — were building a consensus that human destiny was determined by evolution and heredity. The French biologist Alexis Carrel helped to popularise this conception of life by describing the scientific achievements of the twentieth century in terms of the ultimate transformation of man: “Science, which has transformed the material world, gives man the power of transforming himself. It has unveiled some of the secret mechanisms of his life. It has shown him how to alter their motion, how to mould his body and his soul on patterns born of his wishes. For the first time in history, humanity, helped by science, has become master of its destiny.”2 This widespread biological understanding of culture was an essential prerequisite for the emergence of a modernist version of eugenics, set to embark upon ambitious policies of human improvement. However, in order to understand the conceptual transformation within this scientific knowledge about human nature, we must first attempt to grasp how eugenics was formulated and disseminated during the end of the nineteenth and at the beginning of the twentieth century.

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Notes

  1. José Ortega y Gasset, “History as a System,” in Raymond Klibansky and H. J. Paton, eds., Philosophy and History (London: Oxford University Press, 1936), 313.

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  2. Alexis Carrel, Man, the Unknown (London: Hamish Hamilton, 1935), 257.

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  9. It is Durkeim’s theory of religion that promoters of the concept of political religion had found useful for their explorations of modern secular ideologies. See Stanley G. Payne, “On the Heuristic Value of the Concept of Political Religion and its Application,” Totalitarian Movements and Political Religions 6, 2 (2005): 163–74; and Roger Griffin, Robert Mallett, John Tortorice, eds., The Sacred in Twentieth-Century Politics (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2008).

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  14. Ibid., 322.

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  16. Ibid., 123.

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  17. Ibid., 129–30.

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  19. L. Hirschfeld and H. Hirschfeld, “Serological Differences between the Blood of Different Races,” The Lancet 197, 2 (1919): 675–9. See also William H. Schneider, “Chance and Social Setting in the Application of the Discovery of Blood Groups,” Bulletin of the History of Medicine 57 (1983): 545–62; and Pauline M. H. Mazumdar, “Blood and Soil: The Serology of the Aryan Racial State,” Bulletin of the History of Medicine 64 (1990): 187–19.

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  20. P. C. Mitchell, “Preface” to Elie Metchnikoff, The Nature of Man. Studies in Optimistic Philosophy (London: G. P. Putman’s Sons, 1903), ix.

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  21. The description belongs to Daniel J. Kevles. See his highly influential In the Name of Eugenics: Genetics and the Uses of Human Heredity (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1985).

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  22. Francis Galton, Memories of My Life, 2nd edn. (London: Methuen, 1908), 290.

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  23. Francis Galton, Inquiry into Human Faculty and Its Development (London: Macmillan, 1883), 17.

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  24. Ibid.

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  25. Alfred Ploetz, Grundlinien einer Rassen-Hygiene. Die Tüchtigkeit unserer Rasse und der Schutz der Schwachen (Berlin: S. Fischer, 1895), 13.

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  27. Ibid.

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  28. Francis Galton, “Studies in Eugenics,” The American Journal of Sociology 11, 1 (1905): 11.

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  29. Ibid., 25.

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  30. Peter Gay, Modernism: The Lure of Modernism from Baudelaire to Becket and Beyond (London: William Heinemann, 2007), 28.

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  31. John M. Coulter, the chair of the Botany Department of the University of Chicago, hoped to convince Christian organisations to “add the practical suggestions of biology to their own great motive, and to transform eugenics so that it may really be another effective form of religion.” John M. Coulter, “What Biology Has Contributed to Religion,” The Biblical World 41, 4 (1913): 223.

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  32. Maximilian A. Mügge, Eugenics and the Superman. A Racial Science and a Racial Religion (London: Eugenics Education Society, 1909), 10. Dan Stone has convincingly described the influence Nietzsche had on the British eugenicists. See his Breeding Superman: Nietzsche, Race and Eugenics in Edwardian and Interwar Britain (Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 2002).

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  34. Ibid., 304.

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  47. Ibid.

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  67. As illustrated by Auguste Forel, Malthusianism oder Eugenik? (Munich: Verlag von Ernst Reinhardt, 1911).

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  77. Ibid., 122. For a discussion between Ploetz’s concept of racial hygiene and Galton’s eugenics see Marius Turda, “Race, Science and Eugenics in the Twentieth Century,” in Alison Bashford, Phillipa Levine, eds., The Oxford Handbook of the History of Eugenics (New York: Oxford University Press, 2010), 98–127.

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  84. Ibid., 27.

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  88. See, for example, Kurt Goldstein, Über Rassenhygiene (Berlin: Julius Springer, 1913).

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  89. For an analysis of some of the most important complexities of this relationship see, in particular, Diane B. Paul, Controlling Human Heredity: 1865to the Present (Atlantic Highlands, NJ: Humanities Press, 1995); and idem, The Politics of Heredity: Essays on Eugenics, Biomedicine, and the Nature-Nurture Debate (New York: State University of New York Press, 1998).

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Turda, M. (2010). The Pathos of Science, 1870–1914. In: Modernism and Eugenics. Modernism and …. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1057/9780230281332_2

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