Abstract
As a schoolboy, and then as a student during and after the First World War, Goebbels had grown up in a society where there was much talk of the Volksgemeinschaft, an idealized ‘people’s community’ where a sense of shared belonging would transcend class and confessional differences. When he became a political activist in the 1920s, this was a central ideal of the Nazi Party, and after 1933 Goebbels had the opportunity to play a leading role in the construction of the Volksgemeinschaft. Although his formal office as Propaganda Minister might suggest that he was involved directly only with presentation and with the manipulation of opinion, he used his position to intervene much more widely in the formation of policy. He also used his unique status as Hitler’s closest confidant to discuss the smallest details of domestic and foreign policy with him. Inevitably, as a minister and an internationally notorious public figure, his relationship with ordinary people had changed from that cultivated during the ‘years of struggle’. He shared Hitler’s increasing detachment, and together they developed illusions about their enemies and their supporters which often had little correspondence with reality.
Today a new state is being established, the unique feature of which is that it sees its foundation not in Christianity and not in a concept of state; rather it places its primary emphasis on the self-contained Volksgemeinschaft.
Hitler, speaking at the Ordensburg in Sonthofen, 23 November 1937.1
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Notes
Alexandra Richie, Faust’s Metropolis: A History of Berlin (New York: Carroll and Graf, 1998), p. 444.
Audrey Salkeld, A Portrait of Leni Riefenstahl (London: Pimlico, 1997), p. 105, and pp. 116–20.
Richard Plant, The Pink Triangle: The Nazi War against Homosexuals (Edinburgh: Mainstream, 1987), p. 212. The amended text of Paragraph 175 is reproduced here in translation on p. 206.
Michael Burleigh and Wolfgang Wipperman, The Racial State: Germany 1933–1945 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991), p. 173.
For an introduction to the complex relationship between the Nazis and the Christian Churches see Michael Burleigh, The Third Reich: A New History (London: Macmillan, 2000), pp. 252–66, and pp. 717–28.
Hans Buchheim, ‘Ein NS-Funktionär zum Niemöller-Prozess’, Vierteljahrshefte für Zeitgeschichte, 4:3 (1956), pp. 307–15, pp. 312–13.
Martin Niemöller, Vom U-Boot zur Kanzel (Berlin: Martin Warner, 1934). Intriguingly, this is one of the central autobiographies used by Theweleit in his analysis of the ‘Fascist male’. See Theweleit, Male Fantasies I, pp. 5–8, and p. 22.
Martin Niemöller, .... daß wir an Ihm bleiben! Sechzehn Dahlemer Predigten (Berlin: Martin Warner, 1935), p. 17.
Martin Niemöller and Otto Dibelius, Wir rufen Deutschland zu Gott (Berlin: Martin Warner, 1937), pp. 110–11.
Heinz Boberach (ed.), Meldungen aus dem Reich. Die geheimen Lageberichte des Sicherheitsdienstes der SS 1938–1945 (Herrsching: Manfred Pawlak, 1984), Band 2, p. 21.
Parts of the speech were printed in Amtliche Mitteilungen der Reichsmusikkammer, 1 June 1938. See the facsimile of the front page of this edition in Albrecht Dümling and Peter Girth (eds), Entartete Musik. Zur Düsseldorfer Ausstellung von 1938. Eine kommentierte Rekonstruktion (Düsseldorf: no publisher given, 1988), p. 123. See also Wulf, Musik im Dritten Reich, pp. 414–23.
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© 2009 Toby Thacker
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Thacker, T. (2009). An ‘Indissoluble Community of Destiny’. In: Joseph Goebbels. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1057/9780230274228_9
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1057/9780230274228_9
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