Abstract
On becoming leader of the Labour Party and Prime Minister, Gordon Brown sought to distance himself from the previous decade of New Labour government under Tony Blair. He claimed that the security, environmental and economic challenges confronting the United Kingdom in the decade ahead would require‘a new government with new priorities’.1 This would mean ‘a new kind of politics in this country’ and ‘a new style of government in the future’, delivered by a ‘servant state’. The past propensity for the British state to intervene, through ‘a top-down approach’ with ‘a government that simply pulled the levers’, would no longer be viable. As an alternative, Brown’s new politics necessitated ‘a more accountable government, a stronger parliamentary democracy and a more active population’.2 To demonstrate his own and his colleagues’ commitment to the new politics and new style of government, the early weeks of the Brown Government witnessed the publication of a draft legislative programme and a Green Paper on constitutional reform. In a sign of the political, legal and historical confusion to come, both documents were called The Governance of Britain, even though they referred to the legislative programme and constitutional future respectively of the United Kingdom.3
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Notes
G. Brown, Speech to the Labour Party (25 June 2007).
Her Majesty’s Government, The Government’s Draft Legislative Programme, Cm. 7372 (London: The Stationery Office, 2007),
Ministry of Justice, The Governance of Britain, Cm. 7170 (London: The Stationery Office, 2007).
For a detailed analysis, see S. Lee, Best for Britain? The Politics and Legacy of Gordon Brown (Oxford: Oneworld, 2007), pp. 103–31.
For an outline and critique of this model, see S. Lee, ‘The British Model of Political Economy’, in M. Beech and S. Lee (eds), Ten Years of New Labour (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2008), pp. 17–34.
These proposals were developed in a series of speeches — G. Brown, Annual British Council Lecture, London (7 July 2004);
G. Brown, ‘The Future of Britishness’, Speech to the Fabian Society ‘Future of Britishness’ conference, London (14 January 2006); and
G. Brown, ‘Securing Our Future’, Lecture at the Royal Institute of International Affairs, Chatham House, London (13 February 2006).
The lecture was published as G. Brown, ‘Outward Bound’, Spectator (8 November 1997), pp. 15–16.
T. Dalyell, Devolution: The End of Britain? (London: Cape, 1977), p. 247.
G. Brown, Speech at the Smith Institute, London (15 April 1999).
G. Brown, Speech at the University of Manchester Institute of Science and Technology (20 January 2001).
This thesis is developed at length in S. Lee, ‘Gordon Brown and the “British Way”’, Political Quarterly 77.3 (2006), pp. 369–78.
G. Brown, Speech at Smith Institute (15 April 1999).
G. Orwell, The Lion and the Unicorn: Socialism and the English Genius (1941; London: Secker and Warburg, 1962), p. 58.
D. Dewar, ‘Foreword’ to The Scottish Office, Scotland’s Parliament, Cm. 3658 (Edinburgh: The Scottish Office, 1997).
G. Brown and D. Alexander, Stronger Together: The 21st Century Case for Scotland and Britain (London: Fabian Society, 2007), p. 25.
J. Major, Trust the People: Keynote Speeches of the 1992 General Election Campaign (London: Conservative Political Centre, 1992);
G. Brown, ‘We must defend the Union’, Daily Telegraph (25 March 2008).
House of Commons, Planning Bill II, introduced 27 November (London: House of Commons, 2008), p. 1.
For more details of this programme, see Department of Heath, A Consultation on the NHS Constitution (London: Department of Health, 2008).
See Labour Party, The Labour Party Manifesto 2005 (London: Labour Party, 2005), especially Chapters 4, 8 and 9.
G. Brown, Constitutional Reform statement, 3 July (London: Prime Minister’s Office, 2007; <www.number10.gov.uk/output/Page12274.asp>, accessed 29 March 2008).
For a detailed analysis of New Labour’s agenda for the English regions, see S. Lee, ‘Constrained Discretion and Regional Governance: The Case of Yorkshire and the Humber’, in J. Bradbury (ed.), Devolution, Regionalism and Regional Development (London: Routledge, 2007), pp. 130–46.
Department for Communities and Local Government, Communities in Control: Real People, Real Power, Cm. 7427 (London: Stationery Office, 2008).
S. Weir, ‘A Super-Quango Is Born’, Open Democracy News Analysis (2008; <www.opendemocracy.ne/blog/ourkingdom-theme/stuart-weir/2008/07/28/a-super-quango-is-born>, accessed 28 July 2008).
D. Beetham, A. Blick, H. Margetts and S. Weir, Power and Participation in Modern Britain (Colchester: Democratic Audit, 2008), p. 12.
Local Government Association, Eco-towns: Back to the Future? (London: Local Government Association, 2008), p. 2.
Local Government Association, Who’s Accountable for Health? LGA Health Commission Final Report (London: Local Government Association, 2008), p. 2.
B. Bragg, The Progressive Patriot: A Search for Belonging (London: Bantam Press, 2006);
M. Perryman (ed.), Imagined Nation: England after Britain (London: Lawrence & Wishart, 2008);
P. Kingsnorth, Real England: The Battle against the Bland (London: Portobello Books, 2008).
G. Hassan, ‘A Short History of the Future: The Story of the Beginning of the Break-up of the UK’, in M. Perryman (ed.), Imagined Nation: England after Britain (London: Lawrence and Wishart, 2008), p. 153.
K. Kumar, The Making of English National Identity (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003);
A. Aughey, The Politics of Englishness (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2007);
R. Hazell (ed.), The English Question (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2006).
This thesis has been developed in R. Body, England for the English (London: New European Publications, 2001); and
S. Heffer, Nor Shall My Sword: The Reinvention of England (London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 1999).
Conservative Party, Time for Common Sense: The 2001 Conservative Party General Election Manifesto (London: Conservative Party, 2001);
Conservative Party, Are You Thinking What We’re Thinking? Conservative Election Manifesto 2005 (London: Conservative Party, 2005).
For example, D. Cameron, ‘I Support the Union for What it can Achieve in the Future’, speech, Gretna Green (19 April 2007).
The Press Association, ‘Tories and UUP consider merger plan’ (29 July 2008; <www.uk.news.yahoo.com/pressass/20080724>, accessed 29 July 2008).
Conservative Democracy Task Force, Answering the Question: Devolution, the West Lothian Question and the Future of the Union (London: Conservative Democracy Task Force, 2008), p. 1.
J. Kirkup, ‘Labour eyes Tory West Lothian plan’, Daily Telegraph (16 July 2008).
F. Field, ‘The Strange Death of Labour England?: Revisiting Bagehot’s English Constitution’, The Chancellor’s Lecture, University of Hertfordshire (3 June 2008).
E. Barnes and M. MacLeod, ‘Get rid of “Scots mafia”’, Scotland on Sunday (1 June 2008).
Obama’s commitment to multilateral cooperation has been confirmed in his statement that, for the United States, ‘No country has a bigger stake than we do in strengthening international institutions.’ See B. Obama, The Audacity of Hope: Thoughts on Reclaiming the American Dream (New York: Crown Publishers, 2006), p. 320. For a detailed analysis of Brown’s agenda for global governance, and its roots in the New Deal Democrat thinking of the 1930s and 1940s, see Lee, Best for Britain?, pp. 159–82.
S. Richards, ‘Labour’s last Scottish leader?’, New Statesman and Society (1 August 2008).
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Lee, S. (2010). Gordon Brown, ‘Britishness’ and the Negation of England. In: Griffiths, S., Hickson, K. (eds) British Party Politics and Ideology after New Labour. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1057/9780230248557_13
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