Abstract
Land was a pervasive issue in British politics through much of the nineteenth and into the twentieth century. The resonances from it were still sufficiently present for Harold Wilson in one of his 1974 election campaigns to use the ‘Land for the People’ slogan of the 1906 general election as a metaphor for his policy on North Sea oil. Likewise in Ireland, land was a major issue for most of the nineteenth century, and continued to have powerful political repercussions right through to relatively late in the twentieth century. The land as an issue often seemed to provide a filament that linked together the politics of the four countries of the United Kingdom, but the differences lying beneath the surface in each country (and indeed regionally within each) were often significant in economic, political, and social terms. There was, however, in the three countries that constituted the island of Great Britain a sufficient commonality surrounding the land question to enable a broad political identification across those national boundaries, and in particular with the ideologies and structures of Liberal politics as they developed from the middle of the nineteenth century to the Great War. In the island of Ireland the story is a different one, and complicated by the propensity of many contemporaries (particularly British politicians) to understand it misleadingly in terms that fitted the central British political discourse and the equally significant inclination of Irish contemporaries to misunderstand how their concerns were being mutated to suit that central arena. In this chapter, an analysis is presented of the commonalities of land between Ireland and the rest of the British Isles and of what distinguished the Irish case from the wider discourses. In part, this is a study in differing perceptions and how they related to the discourses of two distinct polities held together in unified political structures.
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Notes
For the changes happening in English landlordism see, for example, F. M. L. Thompson, English Landed Society in the Nineteenth Century (London, 1963);
J. D. Chambers and G. E. Mingay, The Agricultural Revolution, 1750–1880, (London, 1966);
J. Beckett, The Aristocracy in England 1660–1914 (Oxford, 1986).
E. E. Evans, Facts from Gweedore, Compiled from the Notes of Lord George Hill (Belfast, 1971), pp. v–vi.
E. Batt, The Moncks and Charleville House: A Wicklow Family in the Nineteenth Century (Dublin, 1979), p. 233.
D. Thomson and M. McGusty (eds), The Irish Journals of Elizabeth Smith, 1840–1850 (Oxford, 1980), p. 6.
W. Conner, Two Letters to the Editor of the Times on the Rackrent Oppression of Ireland, its Source, its Evils and its Remedy (Dublin, 1846).
W. Shee, Papers, Letters and Speeches in the House of Commons on the Irish Land Question, with a Summary of its Parliamentary History, from the General Election of 1852 to the Close of the Session of 1863 (London, 1863).
G. Campbell, The Irish Land (London, 1869), pp. 6–7.
I. Butt, Land Tenure in Ireland: A Plea for the Celtic Race (Dublin, 1866), p. 57.
J. S. Mill, The Principles ofPolitical Economy (3rd edn, London, 1852), i, p. 401.
K. B. Nowlan, The Politics of Repeal: A Study in the Relations between Great Britain and Ireland, 1841–50 (London, 1965), p. 146.
E. D. Steele, Irish Land and British Politics: Tenant Right and Nationality, 1865– 1870 (Cambridge, 1974), p. 309.
G. Errington, The Irish Land Question: A letter to the Rt Hon. H.C.E Childers, M.P. (Dublin, 1880), p. 5.
Quoted in R. D. C. Black, Economic Thought and the Irish Question, 1817–1870 (Cambridge, 1960), p. 70.
L. P. Curtis, Coercion and Conciliation in Ireland, 1880–92: A study in Conservative Unionism (Princeton, 1963), p. 169.
J. J. Lee, Ireland 1912–1985: Politics and Society (Cambridge, 1989), p. 646.
Quoted in D. Thornley, Isaac Butt and Home Rule (London, 1964), p. 16.
Quoted in T. de Vere White, The Road of Excess (Dublin, 1946), p. 99.
J. Spence, ‘The Philosophy of Irish Toryism, 1833–52: A Study of Reactions to Liberal Reformism in Ireland in the Generation between the First Reform Act and the Famine, with Especial Reference to Expressions of National Feeling among the Protestant Ascendancy’ ( PhD thesis, London, 1991 ), p. 51.
For a fuller exploration of the longer term political significance of the Wyndham Land Act see P. Bull, Land, Politics and Nationalism: A Study of the Irish Land Question (Dublin, 1996), pp. 157–75, and Bull, ‘The Significance of the Nationalist Response to the Irish Land Act of 1903’, Irish Historical Studies, 28 (1993), 283–305.
Quoted in M. A. G. Ó Tuathaigh, ‘The Land Question, Politics and Irish Society, 1922–1960’, Irish Studies, 2 (1982), 170–1.
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© 2010 Philip Bull
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Bull, P. (2010). Irish Land and British Politics. In: Cragoe, M., Readman, P. (eds) The Land Question in Britain, 1750–1950. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1057/9780230248472_8
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1057/9780230248472_8
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