Abstract
There has never been any doubt in the minds of historians — least of all among those contributing to this volume — that the land question was an important, even a burning, issue in late Victorian Britain, and was building up an impressive head of steam on the eve of the First World War. So impressive, indeed, that there seems little doubt that from the sometimes tumultuous progress of the red vans and the yellow vans down the country lanes in the 1890s, through to the enthusiastic response to the Liberal Land Campaign in 1913–14, land reform in one shape or another was a genuinely popular cause, something more than the pet cry of a clique of radical politicians and intellectuals. This surge of popular demand for land reform, although reflected in the large group of committed land reformers sitting on the Liberal benches after 1906 and in the somewhat less wholehearted commitment of the Asquith government, had not resulted in any decisive settlement of the land question. Thus in 1914, there was still much unfinished business on the land reform agenda, as indeed the Liberal Land Campaign indicated; moreover, its proposals were regarded by land-taxers and land-nationalizers as merely a first instalment of a lasting settlement of the land question. Then on 4 August, controversy and agitation were suspended, and were never resumed. The effect was instantaneous: ‘The Land Campaign’ of The Times’s leader on 5 August referred to the invasion of Belgium and the likely date for the simultaneous arrival in France of the German army and the British Expeditionary Force.1 There was never again popular agitation, or even party political controversy, on the scale of the pre-1914 passion and vehemence. The great land question simply fizzled out, ending not with a bang but a whimper. That is the strange death that needs to be explained.2
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Notes
I. Packer, Lloyd George, Liberalism, and the Land: The Land Issue and Party Politics, 1906–1914 (Woodbridge, 2001) devotes a concluding chapter to ‘The strange death of the land issue’ (pp. 178–93), which has a more purely party-political explanation than the one advanced here.
Land Tenure Reform Association, Report of the Inaugural Meeting (1871), pp. 9–10.
A. Offer, Property and Politics, 1870–1914 (Cambridge, 1981), p. 394; and see below, pp. 266–7.
See also B. Gilbert, ‘David Lloyd George: The Reform of British Landholding and the Budget of 1914’, Historical Journal, 22 (1978), 117–41.
Ibid., 23 June 1926, p. 18. For Pretyman’s role in 1909–14 and the formation of the Land Union, see Offer, Property and Politics, pp. 366–7, 382, 398; M. Fforde, Conservatism and Collectivism, 1886–1914 (Edinburgh, 1990), pp. 110–17.
A. J. P. Taylor, English History, 1914–1945 (Oxford, 1965), p. 286;
C. L. Mowat, Britain between the Wars, 1918–1940 (London, 1955), pp. 368, 379, 419.
C. F. G. Masterman, The New Liberalism (London, 1920), pp. 163–4, quoted in K. O. Morgan, The Age of Lloyd George (London, 1971), pp. 208–9.
Land and Liberty, 1 August 1920, pp. 454–5, quoted in A. Taylor, Lords of Misrule (Basingstoke, 2004), p. 63.
Packer, Lloyd George, Liberalism and the Land, ch. 10. The earlier account by R. Douglas, Land, People, and Politics: A History of the Land Question in the United Kingdom, 1878–1952 (London, 1976) presents a narrative of a continuous land question which never dies.
F. M. L. Thompson, ‘The Land Market in the Nineteenth Century’, Oxford Economic Papers, n.s. 9 (1957), 304–8; idem, English Landed Society in the Nineteenth Century (London, 1963), pp. 318–25;
H. J. Habakkuk, Marriage, Debt and the Estates System; English Landownership, 1650–1950 (Oxford, 1994), ch. 8;
J. V. Beckett, The Aristocracy in England, 1660–1914 (Oxford, 1986), ch. 14.
S. G. Sturmey, ‘Owner-Farming in England and Wales, 1900–50’, Manchester School of Economic and Social Studies, 23 (1955), 246–68;
On this process, see, in addition to the works cited in notes 14 and 15, A. Adonis, ‘Aristocracy, Agriculture and Liberalism: The Politics, Finances and Estates of the Third Lord Carrington’, Historical Journal, 31 (1988), 871–97;
P. Barnes, Norfolk Landowners since 1880 (Norwich, 1993), ch. 4;
D. Cannadine, The Decline and Fall of the British Aristocracy (New Haven, 1990), pp. 103–12;
H. A. Clemenson, English Country Houses and Landed Estates (London, 1982), pp. 109–50;
P. Mandler, The Fall and Rise of the Stately Home (New Haven, 1997), ch. 6;
D. Spring, ‘Land and Politics in Edwardian England’, Agricultural History, 58 (1984), 17–42;
F. M. L. Thompson, ‘English Landed Society in the Twentieth Century, I: Property, Collapse and Survival’, Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 5th ser., 40 (1990), 1–24.
I. Dale (ed.), Labour Party General Election Manifestos, 1900–1997 (London, 2000), p. 36.
I. Dale (ed.), Liberal Party General Election Manifestos, 1900–1997 (London, 2000), pp. 37–8, 45.
P. Snowden, An Autobiography (London, 1934), p. 915.
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Thompson, F.M.L. (2010). Epilogue: The Strange Death of the English Land Question. In: Cragoe, M., Readman, P. (eds) The Land Question in Britain, 1750–1950. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1057/9780230248472_15
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