Abstract
Calls for the creation of a multipolar world, such as Yeltsin’s cited above, were a frequent feature in official statements during both the Yeltsin and Putin presidencies. Balance of power thinking informed much of the reasoning behind the Multipolarity perspective held by many of the Russian foreign policy elite. Their advocacy of a multipolar world reflected their aspirations to redress Russia’s declining power while constraining US power globally. It was also illustrative of the enduring legacy of Russia’s ‘great-power status’ embedded in the mindset of its foreign policy elite.2 While Russia recognised that it could not match the US’s power in the foreseeable future, given its internal problems, it nonetheless aspired for a great-power status that was, ideally, second only to the US. A multipolar world was thus perceived as the international structure that corresponded to Russia’s aim of restraining US power while relatively enhancing Russia’s. Multipolarity was arguably well reflected in East Asia’s changing strategic and political environment where a number of influential ‘poles’ reside. Indeed, East Asia remained, to a far greater degree than Europe, a region where Cold War mindsets and realist balance of power thinking still exerted much influence on the foreign policy of each regional power.3 The region had yet to construct a viable and effective security structure, while economic interdependence, though on the rise, could easily be susceptible to unresolved political conflicts and historical animosities.
We are in favour of the former bloc structure with its wish to impose its dictates on others being finally replaced by a new multipolar structure. Neither Russia nor China can accept attempts at domination from any centre or interference in their internal affairs.
(Boris Yeltsin)1
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Notes
Oleg Arin, XXI Veka: Mir Bez Rossii (Moscow: Algoritm, 2002), p. 276–7.
For example see ‘Is the World Becoming Multipolar?’; Evgenii Bazhanov, ‘A Multipolar World is Inevitable’, International Affairs, vol. 49, no. 5, 2003, pp. 20–2; Forsberg, et al., ‘Foreign Policy of the Communists’, p. 23;
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From author’s discussions, Moscow, October–November 2005. However, a few at MGIMO and ISKRAN saw it as US-dominated but transitory, while some others at the IDVRAN saw it as becoming US-China bipolarity. See also Bogaturov, Sovremennye Teorii, pp. 134–81; Vladimir Fedotov, ‘O vozmozhnykh modeliakh regional’noi bezopasnosti v ATR’ and Aleksandr Zarubin, ‘Mnogopoliarnaia geo-politicheskaia konfiguratsiia v ATR i bezopasnost’ RF’, both in Evgenii Bazhanov, Vladimir Li, and Vladimir Fedotov, (eds) Problemy obespecheniia bezopasnosti v ATR, (Moscow: Nauchnaia Kniga, 1999), pp. 14, 80.
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Rangsimaporn, P. (2009). Multipolarity and the East Asian Balance of Power. In: Russia as an Aspiring Great Power in East Asia. St Antony’s Series. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1057/9780230244740_6
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