Abstract
Two unequivocal conclusions can be drawn from the systematic analysis of witch trials in Holstein, Carinthia and Franche-Comté:
First, the courts charged large numbers of men independently of women and in their own right. Their identification as alleged witches was neither a by-product of trials of female witches, nor can it be seen as collateral damage. Side by side with and on the same level as the female witch there stood a male witch, who was by no means a scaled-down or dwarf version of the majority type. Notwithstanding these general conclusions, any analysis of gender distribution must take account of regional context and popular as well as learned witch images, for the dynamics of the witch-hunts produced absolute majorities of female witches just as they occasionally also produced only a minority.
We know that, after the flight, the accused, like all other witch-folk, had a particular kind of demon at the gatherings, the men had a bride, and the women a bridegroom.
(Reason given by the judge for a sentence passed in a witch trial near Regensburg 1689)
(There are)…effeminate men who have no Zeal for the Faith…
(Heinrich Institoris 1486)
I removed the heart and the liver of a pike, these I smoked to intoxicate the possessed people; I then pulled apart a pitch-black hen and laid it on their heads…to expel the evil spirits…
(Christoph Gostner, a healer in South Tyrol, 1595)
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Notes
Johannes Bergmann, Disputatio philosophica de mulieribus (Wittenberg 1629)
cited from: R. Bake and B. Kiupel, ‘Städtische Frauen- und Männerbeziehung im 18. Jahrhundert’, in Praxis Geschichte 1 (1995), p. 28.
W. Schmale, ‘Geschlecht und Kultur’ (Wien 2000), pp. 30–5;
M. Dinges, Hausväter, Priester und Kastraten. Zur Konstruktion von Männlichkeit im Spätmittelalter und FrüherNeuzeit (Göttingen 1998), pp. 13–19. Clark (1997) 31–42 overestimates this dual classification of the gender characteristics for the early modern period.
G. E. V. Rüling, Auszüge einiger merkwürdiger Hexen-Prozesse aus dem 17.Jahrundert im Fürstenthum Calenberg (Göttingen 1786), p. 34 for the Hanover region; Elsässische Monatschrift für Geschichte und Volkskunde 3 (1912), p. 452 for Alsace in present-day France; Labouvie (1991) 78 for the Saar region;
C. Waas, ‘Ein Hexenprozeß aus “der guten alten Zeit”’, in Preußische Jahrbücher 132 (1908) p. 43 and 56
G.K. Horst, Zauberbibliothek, vol. 1 (Mainz 1821), p. 199 for Hesse;
A. Bach, Hexenprozesse in der Vogtei Ems (Wiesbaden 1923), p. 35 for the Nassau region; trial of ‘the Meyersche’, in LAS AR Ahrensbök 108/1199 (1638–39) for Holstein;
J. Lilienthal, Die Hexenprozesse in Braunsberg nach den Criminalacten des Braunsberger Archivs (Königsberg 1861), p. 134 for Prussia. The translators of Rémy also frequently used the term ‘Hexin’, see Rémy (1697) 66, 157, 217, 226, 238.
Trial of men and women in Lintheim and Hesse, copied by Horst (1821) 203. Further: M. Raab, ‘Der große Hexenprozeß von Geisling von 1689–1691’, in Verhandlungen des Vereins für Oberpfalz und Regensburg 65 (1915), p. 93. The term ‘Hexenpersonen’ (witch people) was widespread; for some examples,
see F. Leitschuh, Beiträge zur Geschichte des Hexenwesens in Franken (Bamberg 1883), p. 40,
K. Kélé, Hexenwahn und Hexenprozesse in der ehemaligen Reichstadt und Landvogtei Hagenau (Hagenau 1893), p. 155.
Confession of Michael Haisch (1663), cited from H. Pöschko, Der Prozeß des Michael Haisch, in Praxis Geschichte 4 (1991), p. 26.
General study: E. Pócs, Between the Living and the Dead: A Perspective on Witches an Seers in the Early Modern Age (Budapest 1999); see also: C. Ginzburg (1990), esp. pp. 153–5;
G. Klaniczay, Heilige, Hexen, Vampire (Berlin 1990), pp. 29–50.
R. Hutton, Shamans. Siberian Spirituality and the Western Inspiration (London 2001/2007), pp. VII–VIII, 43–110.
States of trance and ecstasy are not necessarily elements of a shaman’s work, see Hutton (2001/2007) esp. 110; R.N. Hamayon, ‘Are, Trance, Ecstasy’ and Similar Concepts Appropriate in the Study of Shamanism, Shaman: An International Journal for Shamanistic Research 2(1993), esp. p. 7;
K.E. Müller, Schamanismus. Heiler, Geister, Rituale (München 1997), pp. 19–21, 40–5, 80–2, 88–91;
Further: J. Halifax, Shamanistic voices (New York 1979), pp. 22–24;
M. Eliade, Schamanismus und archaische Ekstasetechnik (Zürich 1956), esp. pp. 180–208.
H. Ammann, ‘Die Hexenprozesse im Fürstenthum Brixen’, in Forschungen zur Geschichte Tirols und Vorarlbergs 34 (1890) 145–66.
I. Zingerle, Barbara Pachlerin, die Sarnthaler Hexe und Mathias Perger, der Lauterfresser (Innsbruck 1858), pp. 23–54.
H.d. Waardt, ‘Cunning-folk’ in EOW I (2006) 237–9.
See also the critical comments by G. Henningsen, ‘The white sabbat and Other Archaic Patterns of Witchcraft’, in Acta Ethnographica Hungarica 37 (1991–92), p. 302.
R. Hagen, ‘shamanism’ in EOW IV (2006), p. 1031, Hutton (2001/2007) 147–9.
R. Hagen, ‘Traces of Shamanism in the Witch Trials of Norway’, in H.d. Waardt, et al. (ed.), Dämonische Besessenheit: Zur Interpretation eines kulturhistorischen Phänomens (Bielefeld 2005), pp. 307–25;
K. Tegler, Till Blåkulla med kropp och själ. Schamanistika föreställningar i svenska trolldomsprocesser, in L. Oja (ed.) Vägen til Blåkulla (Uppsala 1997), esp. pp. 48–58;
E. Pócs, ‘Possession phenomena, possession-systems: some east-central European examples’, in E. Pócs/G. Klaniczay (eds), Communicating with the Spirits (Budapest 2005), pp. 84–154.
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© 2009 Rolf Schulte
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Schulte, R. (2009). Male Witches, Feminized Men or Shamans?. In: Man as Witch. Palgrave Historical Studies in Witchcraft and Magic. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1057/9780230240742_9
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