Abstract
Although not dealt with in Part I, it should be acknowledged that it is not only through classical hero patterns (an extraordinary courageous man fighting evil) that Wallenberg’s story can be told. Other readings can also be found when studying his life. For example, many statements, including those made by Wallenberg himself and by those who assisted him, clearly indicate that Wallenberg was not regarded, at least not at the beginning or in his outer appearance, as the prototype of a classical hero figure, full of physical strength and bravery.2 Instead, Wallenberg seems to have represented other values that became more and more important toward the end of the twentieth century: soft skills, pacifistic values, care, or the ability to communicate.3 By 1946 the survivors sensed that Wallenberg differed in some ways from the traditional hero image, “The role of the hero both attracted and irritated him and he also lacked the hardness of the oldtime heroes.”4
On the one hand, heroes are often pressed as elite representatives of the values on which society is or ought to be based; on the other, as figures of a barely controllable dynamic energy and personal magnetism, geniuses or charismatic leaders whose power has little to do with established social norms and structures of authority…. Though “praiseworthy” and “noble”, such heroes “stand outside the normal orbit of human interaction and are never entirely fit for ordinary society.”1
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Notes
See Burnham, Beyond Modern Sculpture, especially 19–48, see also D.A. Nawrocki, Grounded: Sculpture on the Floor (Ann Arbor, 1990).
See Eva Renate Meyer-Hermann, Das Phänomen Bodenplastik. Untersuchungen zu einem Problem der sechziger Jahre an Werkbeispielen von Carl Andre, Anthony Caro, Franz Erhard Walther und Franz Bernhard (Bonn, 1991), 19.
Mai Misfeldt “The Sculptor’s Palette,” in Kirsten Ortwed: En samling en kunstner (Aalborg, 2002), 70–6, here 70.
The sketches can be studied in the archives of the Skissernas Museum, Lund. One of the sketches can also be found in Wilfried Dickhoff, Kirsten Ortwed: Heavymetalopenspace. Skulpturen für öffentliche Räume. Sculptures for Public Spaces 1996–2006 (Cologne, 2006), 66–7.
For the following, see the ten-minute documentary by Peter R. Meyer, Kirsten Ortwed (Sweden, 1999). Available at the SLBA.
Troels Wörsel, “Introduction,” in Kirsten Ortwed, 2000, 7–10, here 10.
György Somlyó, Die Rampe (Berlin, 1988), 33.
Compare, for example, Fredrik von Feilitzen, “Wallenbergmonumentet: Ortweds förslag ingen vinnare,” in SvD (January 9, 1999), 15,
and Lars-Göran Oredsson, “Av människan blev en struktur,” in Sydsvenskan (May 8, 1999), A4.
Per Anger, Georg Klein, Jan Lundvik, and Harry Schein, “Hedra Raoul Wallenberg med ett annat minnesmärke,” in DN (January 2, 1999), C4.
Letter to the editor by Hans Baruch, “Kirsten Ortwed’s förslag är originellt,” in SvD (January 11, 1999), 10.
The events of World War II and the Holocaust made it indeed impossible for many artists to continue between past and present as Max Liljefors so accurately writes. See Max Liljefors, “The Interplay of Memory and Amnesia: Sites of Memory in Europe and Africa,” in the exhibition catalog Förlust/Loss (Knislinge, 2008).
The text appeared again, in a slightly different version, see Per Wästberg, “Reflections on Kirsten Ortwed’s Proposal for Raoul Wallenberg’s Square, Stockholm,” in the exhibition catalog Förlust/Loss (Knislinge, 2008).
See Stefanie Endlich, “Bilder und Geschichtsbilder: Kunst und Denkmal als Mittel der Erinnerung,” in Dachauer Hefte 18 (3) (2002), 3–22, here 10 (note 6).
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© 2009 Tanja Schult
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Schult, T. (2009). Raoul Wallenberg’s Insubordination. In: A Hero’s Many Faces. The Holocaust and its Contexts. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1057/9780230236998_10
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