Abstract
The big sketch collections create order from an astonishing variety of components and perspectives. In other words, as bodies of knowledge they allow full scope for diversity within a cognitive superstructure that is always in evidence. Unlike sociology, however, they do not present knowledge of society in the form of empirical science. The forms in which they link observation and abstraction so that they become systems of cognition are, characteristically, hybrids between science, art and popular culture. The models of the panorama and of the encyclopaedia further support the paradigm of physiology which works as an epistemological vehicle, making possible the notion of interrelations in a living body. Wulf Wülfing has pointed to the analogy between panoramic and encyclopaedic orders in the sense that both aspire to cyclical completeness; be it a circular painting representing an overview or a printed work assembling a circle of knowledge, an orbis doctrinae (Quintilian’s expression translating the Greek term encyclopaedia; the first encyclopaedias in book form date from the late sixteenth and early seventeenth century).1 Both panoramas and encyclopaedias were, of course, important in their own right as media that popularised knowledge. But the aspect that matters to Wülfing and also concerns the present study is their status as models of (re)presentation. The encyclopaedic paradigm thus informs periodical publishing, especially the form of the review, whereas the panoramic one is frequently found in nineteenth-century travel literature.2
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Notes
See Wulf Wülfing, ‘Die telegraphischen Depeschen als “Chronik des Jahrhunderts”. Karl Gutzkows “Ahnungen” von einem Medium der Moderne’, in Karl Gutzkow. Liberalismus — Europäertum — Modernität, ed. by Roger Jones and M. Lauster (Bielefeld: Aisthesis, 2000), pp. 85–106 (pp. 86–8).
‘[…] ces sublimes oiseaux de proie qui, tout en s’élevant à de hautes régions, possèdent le don de voir clair dans les choses d’ici-bas, qui peuvent tout à la fois abstraire et spécialiser, faire d’exactes analyses et de justes synthèses’. Balzac, ‘Théorie de la démarche’, in La Comédie humaine, ed. by Pierre-Georges Castex, 12 vols (Paris: Gallimard, 1976–81), XII (1981), 259–302 (p. 276).
Robert Barker’s earliest public panorama opened in Leicester Square in 1793. See Bernard Comment, The Panorama (London: Reaktion Books, 1999), p. 161.
See Kai Kauffmann, “Es ist nur ein Wien!” Stadtbeschreibungen von Wien 1700 bis 1873 (Vienna, Cologne, Weimar: Böhlau, 1994), p. 219.
‘[E]ine neue, “demokratische” Perspektive’; ‘daß im Panorama, das über unendlich viele Augenpunkte verfiigt, auch — theoretisch — unendlich viele Betrachter das sie umgebende Bild unverzerrt anschauen können’. Stephan Oettermann, Das Panorama. Die Geschichte eines Massenmediums (Frankfurt a. M.: Syndikat, 1980), pp. 25–6.
On travel literature as a means of transculturation between the Western metropolis and (post-)colonial territories see Marie Louise Pratt, Imperial Eyes. Travel Writing and Transculturation (London, New York: Routledge, 1993).
See Stéphane Vachon, Les Travaux et les jours d ‘Honoré de Balzac. Chronologie de la création balzacienne (Paris: Presses du CNRS, Presses Universitaires de Vincennes, Les Presses de l’Université de Montréal, 1992), p. 233.
P.-J. Stahl [J. Hetzel], ‘Prologue’, in Le Diable à Paris, 2 vols (Paris: Hetzel, 1845–6), I (1845), 1–30 (p. 25).
See Ségolène Le Men, ‘Peints par eux-mêmes …’, in Les Français peints par euxmêmes. Panorama du XIX e siècle (Paris: Éditions de la Réunion des musées nationaux, 1993), pp. 4–46 (pp. 36–41). The frontispiece of the second volume of Le Diable à Paris shows an artist at work, surrounded by an arched frame consisting of cards. Significantly, however, these depict modern types, not the traditional professions of the ‘cris de Paris’.
See Hubert Lengauer, Ästhetik und liberale Opposition. Zur Rollenproblematik des Schriftstellers in der österreichischen Literatur um 1848 (Vienna, Cologne: Böhlau, 1989), pp. 59–64.
See Franz Stelzhamer, ‘Wiener Stadt-Physiognomie und Wiener Volks-Charakter’, in Wien und die Wiener, in Bildern aus dem Leben (Pesth: Heckenast, 1844), pp. 157–64 (p. 164). Like Stifter, Stelzhamer was not from Vienna but had moved to the city from the provinces.
See Ingrid Oesterle, ‘Metropole und Landschaft, verzeitlichte Geschichte und geowissenschaftlicher Raum. Das Pariser Reisetagebuch von Carl Gustav Cams’, in Vormärzliteratur in europäischer Perspektive III: Zwischen Daguerreotyp und Idee, ed. by M. Lauster (Bielefeld: Aisthesis, 2000), pp. 65–99 (p. 69).
See Michael Slater, Douglas Jerrold (London: Duckworth, 2002), pp. 141–5.
‘[…] il aimait le contraste de cette vie nouvelle, oû sa curiosité surprenait, A. tout moment, des détails, des manières d’être, des originalités qui l’intéressaient.’ Edmond and Jules Goncourt, Gavarni. L’Homme et l’oeuvre (Paris: Fasquelle, 1925; first edn 1870), p. 163.
Joseph Stirling Coyne, ‘The Potato-Can’, in Gavarni in London, ed. by A. Smith (London: Bogue, 1849), pp. 101–6 (p. 101).
Richard D. Altick, The Shows of London (Cambridge, MA: The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 1978), pp. 377–9. An illustration of the Adelaide’s interior is found on p. 379.
See Iwan Moms, Simon Schaffer and Jim Secord, ‘Scientific London’, in London — World City. 1800–1840, ed. by Celina Fox (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1992), pp. 129–42. On the Adelaide Gallery specifically, see Altick (note 76), pp. 377–81.
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© 2007 Martina Lauster
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Lauster, M. (2007). The Panoramic Order: Piecing Together the City. In: Sketches of the Nineteenth Century. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1057/9780230210974_7
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