Frontier Western Discourse at the Turn of the Nineteenth to the Twentieth Century

  • Richard Wattenberg
Part of the Palgrave Studies in Theatre and Performance History book series (PSTPH)


Since the first British colonists in North America began to give expression to their New World experiences, the American discourse on the frontier West has taken numerous shapes. Certainly, variations in the who, what, where, when, and why of the discourse have affected its content; nevertheless, the assorted statements and expressions that comprise frontier western discourse have had a certain coherence. From the early seventeenth century, recurring modes of expression, concepts, and strategies or themes have furnished this discourse with a degree of continuity. Most important, the ongoing effort to give American frontier experience some clear shape has provided a continuous source of unity. The geographic nature of the actual frontier may have varied from eastern forests to midwestern prairies to far western plains, deserts, and mountains, but the underlying view of the western frontier as a liminal zone, a borderland, on the edge of civilization has pervaded European-American efforts to represent frontier existence.


National Park American History American Democracy American Character American Development 
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  1. 1.
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  8. 3.
    Certainly this process has been the object of much critical commentary. In describing the spread of agriculture through the American West, Frieda Knobloch speaks of this “civilizing” process as a “colonization in the American West” [see The Culture of Wilderness: Agriculture as Colonization in the American West (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1996)]. The way this “process” was used to conceptualize, or perhaps more accurately, rationalize, white relations with Indians during the nineteenth century has been examined by many. See Roy Harvey Pearce, Savagism and Civilization: A Study of the Indian and the American Mind (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Press, 1953, 1967), 105–134.Google Scholar
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    On the ways in which the conquest of savagery informed the technical and scientific thought on western agriculture, see Knobloch (for instance, 57–78). The triumph of civilization over savagery structured much of the written material dealing with the frontier and the American West in general, and this motif received expression in various images disseminated for popular consumption. See, for instance, John Gast’s “American Progress” (1872), which was used to illustrate the popular guide book New Overland Tourist and Pacific Coast Guide. This illustration can be seen in Berkhofer, Plate 8, and in The Oxford History of the American West, ed. Clyde A. Milner II, Carol A. O’Connor, Martha A. Sandweiss (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1994), 194.Google Scholar
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    Certainly, industrial culture was never monolithic. The new managerial elite did not impose its ideas and art on all below in a unidirectional flow. In fact, marginal groups and classes have continued to evolve cultural forms, but by the time these forms receive a national audience, they have often been tamed. Given the power to disseminate culture that belongs to the managerial elite in modern and postmodern America, it is not surprising that forms with potential commercial value would be taken up and “domesticated” to meet its concerns. Kathy Peiss notes this kind of co-optation in Cheap Amusements: Working Women and leisure in Turn-of the-Century New York (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1986).Google Scholar
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  29. 19.
    For information on transcontinental Pullman car accommodations and Raymond and Whitcomb tours, see Earl Pomeroy, 7–17; G. Edward White, The Eastern Establishment and the Western Experience: The West of Frederic Remington, Theodore Roosevelt, and Owen Wister (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1968), 47.Google Scholar
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  31. 23.
    Anne Farrar Hyde, 295. For more information regarding the “log palaces,” see Anne Farrar Hyde, 244–295. Rothman claims that these “palaces” never lacked amenities for their wealthy patrons, and that a railroad resort like Fred Harvey’s El Tovar Hotel controlled the scenic Grand Canyon site—dominating local competitors and packaging an “authentic” western experience that might in the end have had little connection to the original setting (55–80). stories dealing with Indian troubles and labor conflicts were established by such techniques. The Indian War paradigm was thus applied to both Indians and striking workers, who were viewed as different forms of “red” threat. See Slotkin, The Fatal Environment: The Myth of the Frontier in the Age of Industrialization, 1800–1890 (Middletown, CT: Wesleyan University Press, 1986), 338–345.Google Scholar
  32. 30.
    The rush toward professionalization in the late nineteenth century affected not only law and medicine, but also acting. See Benjamin McArthur, Actors and American Culture, 1880–1920 (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1984), 85–112.Google Scholar
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    Johns Hopkins University, founded in 1876 primarily as a center for graduate study, became the nation’s leading producer of PhDs in the 1880s and 1890s. On the new professional academic world into which Turner entered, see Allan G. Bogue, Frederick Jackson Turner: Strange Roads Going Down (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1998), 145–48.Google Scholar
  35. 33.
    Regarding these predecessors, see Herman Clarence Nixon, “Precursors of Turner in the Interpretation of the American Frontier,” South Atlantic Quarterly 28 (1929), 83–89.Google Scholar
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  37. 34.
    Quoted in Frederick Jackson Turner, “The Significance of the Frontier in American History,” The Frontier in American History (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1986), 1.Google Scholar
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    See Richard Hofstadter, The Progressive Historians: Turner, Beard, Parrington (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1969), 54–61; and Bogue, 99–102.Google Scholar
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    See Billington, Frederick Jackson Turner: Historian, Scholar, Teacher (New York: Oxford University Press, 1973), 30–1, 58–62.Google Scholar
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    See Herbert Spencer, “The Social Organism” [first published in The Westminister Review (January 1860)], in The Man Versus the State with Four Essays on Politics and Society (Baltimore: Penguin, 1969), 215.Google Scholar
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    Lewis H. Morgan, Ancient Society (1877; Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press, 1964). Morgan claims “the invention of the art of pottery” denotes the shift from savagery to barbarism, and “the invention of a phonetic alphabet, with the use of writing” denotes the shift from barbarism to civilization (18).CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  46. 57.
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  47. or Patricia Nelson Limerick, Clyde A. Milner II, and Charles E. Rankin, Trails: Toward a New Western History (Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 1991), in which Turner’s (mis) understanding of Indians is a theme that runs throughout. With respect to supporters, see Billington, 453–4; Jacobs, 164–6; Bogue, 377–78.Google Scholar
  48. 63.
    Billington, 433. Regarding Turner’s sense of the outdoors as a restorative for body and soul, see Bogue, 32–33, 63, 193, 273–76. This wilderness cure recalls the late-nineteenth-century discourse on neurasthenia. Often the West was offered as a remedy for the physiological symptoms of the stress resulting from modern urban life. See Tom Lutz, American Nervousness, 1903: An Anecdotal History (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1991), 1–30; Lears, No Place of Grace, 49–58; and Rebirth of a Nation, 63–71.Google Scholar
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    Turner may have had more in common with President Theodore Roosevelt’s head of the Division of Forestry, Gifford Pinchot, who worked on behalf of conservation rather than preservation. In this regard, see Bogue, who writes that Turner “appears to have been more sympathetic to the Progressive ideal of wise and efficient use of resources found in the thought of Gifford Pinchot and [Charles] Van Hise than to John Muir’s commitment to pure wilderness” (414). Still, with respect to the impact of the frontier experience on American character, Roosevelt and Turner shared many ideas. It’s no great leap to maintain that Roosevelt may have preceded Turner in his condemnation of the “germ” theory of American development and in the claim that American ex-ceptionalism was a product of the interaction of pioneer and wilderness environment. Michael Collins makes this argument in That Damned Cowboy: Theodore Roosevelt and the American West, 1883–1898 (New York: Peter Lang, 1989), 105–09.Google Scholar
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    Theodore Roosevelt, “Biological Analogies in History,” in History as Literature and Other Essays (1913; Port Washington, NY: Kennikat Press, 1967), 45.Google Scholar
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    See Gail Bederman, Manliness & Civilization: A Cultural History of Gender and Race in the United States, 1880–1917 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1995), 1–44.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
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    G. Edward White, 152–55. Also see Theodore Roosevelt, The Rough Riders (1899; New York: Modern Library, 1996), 8–20.Google Scholar
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    Richard Slotkin, Gunfighter Nation: The Myth of the Frontier in Twentieth-Century America (New York: Atheneum, 1992), 33. Slotkin makes a number of salient points in his comparison of Turner’s and Roosevelt’s frontier visions (see 29–63).Google Scholar
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    Working within the parameters of nineteenth-century frontier western discourse, dime novel authors employed the savagery/civilization dichotomy to offer working-class youths entertainment that seemed to represent resistance to the ideals of the management elite even as it encouraged support for these ideals. Thus, the masters of publishing houses disseminating dime novels used frontier materials to practice the co-optation—sometimes conscious, sometimes unconscious—that Antonio Gramsci’s understanding of “hegemony” has prompted contemporary cultural critics to explore. In short, in pulp novels that glorify antiestablishment outlaws such as Deadwood Dick, the underlying tone may not really be oppositional. For instance, in the first of Edward J. Wheeler’s Deadwood Dick novels, Deadwood Dick, The Prince of the Road (1877), a distinction is made between the “bad” capitalists, the deceitful urban Filmores, Senior and Junior, who relentlessly pursue Dick, and the healthy, hard-working capitalists who successfully develop the mining possibilities of Flower Pocket, a hidden mountain valley. The good capitalist Harry Redburn and his friends bring industrial progress into the isolated, idealized mountain valley, and in doing so they benefit both themselves and members of the Ute tribe, who work in the mine and consequently are “now utilized to a better occupation than in the dark and bloody days of the past” [Edward J. Wheeler, Deadwood Dick, The Prince of the Road, in Reading the West: An Anthology of Dime Westerns, ed. Bill Brown (Boston: Bedford, 1997), 326]. Selfish capitalists are punished, but individual free entrepreneurs bring prosperity and a more civilized way of life to all. Such may be the dominant message of mass-produced pulp fiction. In this way, class resentments could be reconstituted to benefit the new managerial elite. Christine Bold offers a more open reading of the impact of dime novels. See “Malaeska’s Revenge; or, The Dime Novel Tradition in Popular Fiction,” in Wanted Dead or Alive: The American West in Popular Culture, ed. Richard Aquila (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1996), 21–42.Google Scholar
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    See Cody’s autobiography, The Life of Buffalo Bill (1879; London: Senate, 1994).Google Scholar
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  68. 95.
    Nate Salsbury, quoted in Buffalo Bill’s Wild West: Historical Sketches & Programme, ca. 1901, 3. This and other Wild West program material cited here are in the Billy Rose Theatre Division of the New York Public Library for the Performing Arts at Lincoln Center.Google Scholar
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    Col. Dodge, Thirty Years Among the Indians, quoted in Buffalo Bill’s Wild West: Historical Sketches & Programme, 1895, 10.Google Scholar
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    Phil Sheridan quoted in Buffalo Bill’s Wild West: Historical Sketches and Programme, 1895, 45. For discussion of how the Wild West Show souvenir program might have informed the opinions of audience members, see Kasson, 105–112.Google Scholar
  72. 103.
    This regeneration theme is developed throughout Richard Slotkin’s three volumes dealing with the myth of the frontier: the two volumes cited above (The Fatal Environment and Gunfighter Nation) and Regeneration Through Violence: The Mythology of the American Frontier, 1600–1860 (Middleton, CT: Wesleyan University Press, 1973).Google Scholar
  73. 104.
    See for instance, Charles Darwin, The Origin of Species (New York: New American Library, 1958), 129–30.Google Scholar
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    Northrop Frye, Anatomy of Criticism: Four Essays (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1957), 163.Google Scholar
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    This gendering of the frontier is at the heart of Annette Kolodny’s fascinating analysis of nineteenth- and twentieth-century American literature in The Lay of the Land: Metaphor as Experience and History in American Life and Letters (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1975). Especially interesting in this context is Kolodny’s discussion of how Turner presents western land as both mother and mistress for the male pioneer conqueror (136–37).Google Scholar

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