Skip to main content

U.S. Foreign Trade Policy: Leadership in a Constrained System

  • Chapter
Negotiating the Free Trade Area of the Americas

Part of the book series: Studies of the Americas ((STAM))

  • 79 Accesses

Abstract

Part III addressed how convergence of policy making elites toward market democracies provided an ideological base for the development of a hemispheric free trade area. However, while this convergence facilitated preliminary dialogues, the successful implementation of the idea still depended on the sustained political commitment of all parties involved, particularly of the United States and Brazil. This chapter shifts the focus from the international to the domestic level to explore why in the United States the FTAA idea did not attract sufficient political support to transform it into an effective policy.

This is a preview of subscription content, log in via an institution to check access.

Access this chapter

Chapter
USD 29.95
Price excludes VAT (USA)
  • Available as PDF
  • Read on any device
  • Instant download
  • Own it forever
eBook
USD 39.99
Price excludes VAT (USA)
  • Available as EPUB and PDF
  • Read on any device
  • Instant download
  • Own it forever
Softcover Book
USD 54.99
Price excludes VAT (USA)
  • Compact, lightweight edition
  • Dispatched in 3 to 5 business days
  • Free shipping worldwide - see info
Hardcover Book
USD 54.99
Price excludes VAT (USA)
  • Durable hardcover edition
  • Dispatched in 3 to 5 business days
  • Free shipping worldwide - see info

Tax calculation will be finalised at checkout

Purchases are for personal use only

Institutional subscriptions

Preview

Unable to display preview. Download preview PDF.

Unable to display preview. Download preview PDF.

Notes

  1. For a discussion on the development of multilateralism and its principles of conduct, see John G. Ruggie, “Multilateralism: The Anatomy of an Institution,” in Multilateralism Matters. The Theory and Praxis of an Institutional Form (New York: Columbia University Press, 1993), 3–47.

    Google Scholar 

  2. For a history of the USTR, see Steve Dryden, Trade Warriors. USTR and the American Crusade for Free Trade (New York, NY: Oxford University Press, 1995).

    Google Scholar 

  3. Marcus Noland, “Chasing Phantoms. The Political Economy of USTR,” International Organization 51.3 (Summer 1997), 367.

    Google Scholar 

  4. Jon E. Huenemann, “On the Trade Policy-Making Process in the United States,” The Trade Policy-Making Process. Level One of the Two-Level Game: Country Studies in the Western Hemisphere, ed. Inter-American Development Bank, Inter-American Dialogue and Munk Centre for International Studies (Buenos Aires: INTAL, ITD, STA, 2002), 67–73.

    Google Scholar 

  5. Michael Mastanduno, “The United States Political System and International Leadership: A ‘Decidedly Inferior’ Form of Government?,” Paper presented at the Darmouth College-International House of Japan Conference, “The United States and Japan on the Eve of the 21st Century: Prospects for Joint Leadership,” June 27–28, 1994. Reprinted in American Foreign Policy. Theoretical Essays, ed. G. John Ikenberry (London; Boston: Scott, Foreman and Co., 1989), 243.

    Google Scholar 

  6. See James M. McLindsay, Congress and the Politics of US Foreign Policy (London; Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1994).

    Google Scholar 

  7. Max Weber, “Parlamentarismo e Governo numa Alemanha Reconstruída,” in Ensaios de Sociologia e OutrosEscritos, trans. Mauricio Tragtenberg (Sao Paulo: Abril Cultural, 1974), 32.

    Google Scholar 

  8. On the role of bureaucrats in advocating and creating policies in Europe, see Hugh Heclo, Modern Social Politics in Britain and Sweden. From Relief to Income Maintenance (New Haven; London: Yale University Press, 1974).

    Google Scholar 

  9. Joel Aberbach, Robert Putnam, and Bert Rockman, Bureaucrats and Politicians in Western Democracies (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1981), 16–23.

    Google Scholar 

  10. For a detailed historical comparative study on the evolution of bureaucratic structures, including France, Japan, the United States and Great Britain, see Bernard Silberman, Cages of Reason: the Rise of the Rational State in France, Japan, the United States, and Great Britain (Chicago: Chicago University Press, 1993).

    Google Scholar 

  11. Margareth Weir, “Ideas and the Politics of Bounded Innovation,” in Structuring Politics: Historical Institutionalism in Comparative Perspective, ed. Sven Steinmo, Katheen Thelen, and Frank Longstreth (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992), 192–193; Silberman, Cages of Reason, 227–283.

    Google Scholar 

  12. For a study on the institutional development and structure of the White House, and the institutional leadership performance of various presidents in the United States, see John P. Burke, The Institutional Presidency, Organizing and Managing the White House from FDR to Clinton, 2nd ed. (Baltimore and London: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 2000).

    Google Scholar 

  13. Graham T. Allison, Essence of Decision. Explaining the Cuban Missile Crisis (Boston: Little Brown, 1971).

    Google Scholar 

  14. Stephen D. Krasner, “Are Bureaucracies Important? (Or Allison Wonderland),” Foreign Policy 7 (Summer 1971).

    Google Scholar 

  15. Reprinted in G. John Ikenberry, American Foreign Policy. Theoretical Essays (London; Boston: Scott, Foreman and Co., 1989), 419–433.

    Google Scholar 

  16. Sharyn O”Halloran, Politics, Process and American Trade Policy (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1994), 2.

    Google Scholar 

  17. Judith Goldstein, Ideas, Interests, and American Trade Policy (Ithaca; London: Cornell University Press, 1993).

    Google Scholar 

  18. For a classic study of the domestic interests and pressure politics leading to the Smoot-Hawley Act, see E.E. Schattschneider, Politics, Pressure, and the Tariff: a Study of Free Private Enterprise in Pressure Politics, as Shown in the 1929–1930 Revision of the Tariff (Hamnden: Archon Books, 1935).

    Google Scholar 

  19. Karen E. Schnietz, “The Institutional Foundation of U.S. Trade Policy: Revisiting Explanations for the 1934 Reciprocal Trade Agreements Act,” Journal of Policy History 12.4 (2000), 418.

    Google Scholar 

  20. In 1936, the United States signed its first international agreement for monetary cooperation—the Tripartite Agreement—with Great Britain and France. See Jeff Frieden, “Sectoral Conflict and U.S. Foreign Economic Policy, 1914–1940,” International Organization 42.1 (Winter 1988), 59–90.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  21. W. Michael Weis, “Pan American Shift: Oswaldo Aranha and the Demise of the Brazilian-American Alliance,” in Beyond the Ideal. Pan-Americanism in Inter-American Affairs, ed. David Shenin (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 2000), 138.

    Google Scholar 

  22. Various authors describe the RTAA as a congressional choice to diminish the burden of tariff legislation and the continuous political pressures from interest groups. Destler credits the change to the decision of Congress to get out of “the business of making product-specific trade law,” in I.M. Destler, American Trade Politics, 4th ed. (Washington, DC: Institute for International Economics, 2005), 13.

    Google Scholar 

  23. Robert A. Pastor, Congress and the Politics of US Foreign Economic Policy 1929–1976 (Berkeley, Los Angeles, London: University of California Press, 1980).

    Google Scholar 

  24. Robert A. Pastor and Rafael Fernandez de Castro, eds., The Controversial Pivot: The US Congress and North America (Washington, DC: The Brookings Institution, 1998).

    Google Scholar 

  25. George Myconos, The Globalizaytions of Organized Labour: 1945–2005 (Basingstoke; New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2005), 53.

    Book  Google Scholar 

  26. See Robert A. Pastor, “Cry-and-Sigh Syndrome: Congress and Trade Policy,” in Making Economic Policy in Congress, ed. Allen Schick (London; Washington, DC: American Enterprise Institute for Public Policy Research, 1983), 165–167.

    Google Scholar 

  27. Michael J. Hiscox, “The Magic Bullet? The RTAA, Institutional Reform, and Trade Liberalization,” International Organization 53.4 (Autumn 1999), 669–698.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  28. Gilbert Winham, International Trade and the Tokyo Round Negotiation (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1986), 131.

    Google Scholar 

  29. Dick K. Nanto and Thomas Lum, “US International Trade: Data and Forecasts,” Congressional Research Service Report No.IB96038 (Washington, DC: U.S. Library of Congress/CRS, 2003).

    Google Scholar 

  30. John W. Sloan, The Reagan Effect. Economics and Presidential Leadership (Lawrence, KS: University Press of Kansas, 1999), 205.

    Google Scholar 

  31. Miguel Rodriguez Mendoza, “Latin America and the US Trade and Tariff Act,” Journal of World Trade Law 20.1 (January-February 1986), 47–60.

    Google Scholar 

  32. For an analysis of the value placed in the ideal of multilateralism in the United States, see John Ruggie, “Third Try at World Order? America and Multilateralism after the Cold War,” Political Science Quarterly 109.4 (1994), 553–570.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  33. Charles S. Pearson, Free Trade, Fair Trade? The Reagan Record, FPI Papers in International Affairs (Washington, DC: Foreign Policy Institute, School of Advanced International Studies, Johns Hopkins University. Lanham, MD: Distributed by University Press of America, 1988), 72–76.

    Google Scholar 

  34. On the politics and motivations for the U.S.-Israel free trade agreement, see W. Charles Sawyer and Richard Sprinkle, “U.S.-Israel Free Trade Area. Trade Expansion Effects of the Agreement,” Journal of World Trade Law 20.5 (September-October 1986), 526–539.

    Google Scholar 

  35. Howard Rosen, “Free Trade Agreements as Foreign Policy Tools: The US-Israel and US-Jordan FTAs,” in Free Trade Agreements. U.S. Strategies and Priorities, ed. Jeffrey J. Schott (Washington, DC: Institute for International Economics, 2004), 51–61.

    Google Scholar 

  36. Anne O. Krueger, American Trade Policy. A Tragedy in the Making (Washington, DC: The American Enterprise Institute, 1995), 87–92.

    Google Scholar 

  37. Hugh Heclo, “Ronald Reagan and the American Public Philosophy,” in The Reagan Presidency. Pragmatic Conservatism and Its Legacies, ed. W. Elliot Brownlee and Hugh Davis Graham (Lawrence, KS: University Press of Kansas, 2003), 17–39.

    Google Scholar 

  38. President Reagan’s “crusade for democracy” in Central America was a powerful example. See Thomas Carothers, In The Name of Democracy: US Policy Toward Latin America in the Reagan Years (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1991).

    Google Scholar 

  39. Judith Goldstein, “International Forces and Domestic Politics: Trade Policy and Institutional Building in the United States,” in Shaped by War and Trade, ed. Ira Katznelson and Martin Shefter (Princeton and Oxford: Princeton University Press, 2002), 213.

    Google Scholar 

  40. Gary Hufbauer and Jeffrey Schott, Western Hemisphere Economic Integration (Washington, DC: Institute for International Economics, 1994), 17.

    Google Scholar 

  41. In the United States, Sidney Weintraub explored the benefits of a U.S.-Mexico free trade agreement in a 1984 publication. See Sidney Weintraub, Free Trade Between Mexico and the United States? (Washington, DC: Brookings Institution, 1984).

    Google Scholar 

  42. Alan Zarembo, “Bush Family Ties: The Texas Clan Came to Mexico for Oil and Have Built a Complex Web of Friends and Partners,” Newsweek International, 26 February 2001, 28.

    Google Scholar 

  43. Maxwell Cameron and Brian Tomlin, The Making of NAFTA. How the Deal Was Done (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2000), 68–78.

    Google Scholar 

  44. Henry Raymont, Troubled Neighbors. The Story of US-Latin American Relations, from FDR to the Present (New York: Westview Press, 2005), 260.

    Google Scholar 

  45. Bill Clinton, Announcement Speech, Old State House, Little Rock, Arkansas, October 3, 1991. Reprinted in Bill Clinton and Al Gore, Putting People First. How We Can All Change America. (Toronto; New York: Times Books, 1992), 191.

    Google Scholar 

  46. According to Allan Metz, Clinton’s disapproval by “both ends of the ideological spectrum” turned to be an asset, as he was able to appeal for the majority of the voters at the center. In Allan Metz, Bill Clinton: A Bibliography (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 2002), xi.

    Google Scholar 

  47. See accounts of the period in Elizabeth Drew, On the Edge (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1994), 107–113; Christopher J. Bailey, “Clintonomics,” in The Clinton Presidency. The First Term, 1992–1996, ed. Paul S. Herrnson and Dilys M. Hill (Basingstoke: Macmillan Press, Ltd/New York: St. Martin Press, 1999), 85–103.

    Google Scholar 

  48. Michael Cox, US Foreign Policy after the Cold War. Superpower without a Mission? (London: The Royal Institute of International Affairs, 1995), 24–27.

    Google Scholar 

  49. Laura D’Andrea Tyson. Who’s Bashing Who? Trade Conflict in High-Technology Industries (Washington, DC: Institute for International Economics, 1992).

    Google Scholar 

  50. Jeffrey E. Garten, A Cold Peace: America, Japan, Germany and the Struggle for Supremacy (New York: Times Books, 1992).

    Google Scholar 

  51. Doug Henwood, “Impeccable Logic: Trade, Development and Free Markets in the Clinton Era,” NACLA Report on the Americas 26.5 (May 1993), 23–28.

    Google Scholar 

  52. Leonard Silk, “Head off a Trade War,” New York Times, February 4, 1993, A23.

    Google Scholar 

  53. Michael Prowse, “A Prussian in the White House,” Financial Times, February 21, 1994, 16.

    Google Scholar 

  54. Paul Krugman, “Competitiveness: A Dangerous Obsession,” Foreign Affairs 73.2 (March-April 1994), 28–45.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  55. Rachel L. Holloway, “A Time for Change in American Politics: The Issue of the 1992 Presidential Election,” in The 1992 Presidential Campaign. A Communication Perspective, ed. Robert E. Denton, Jr. (Westport, CT: Praeger Publishers, 1994), 129–167.

    Google Scholar 

  56. Steven E. Schier, “A Unique Presidency,” in The Postmodern Presidency. Bill Clinton’s Legacy in US Politics (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 2000), 9.

    Google Scholar 

  57. On gaps between policymakers’ perceptions and public opinion, see Steven Kull, I.M. Destler, and Clay Ramsay. The Foreign Policy Gap. How Policymakers Misread the Public. Report by the Center for International and Security Studies and its Program on International Policy Attitudes, University of Maryland, October 1997; Lawrence R. Jacobs and Robert Y. Shapiro, “Public Opinion in President Clinton’s First Year: Leadership and Responsiveness,” in The Clinton Presidency. Campaigning, Governing & the Psychology of Leadership, ed. Stanley A. Renshon (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1995), 195–211; Leonie G. Murray, Clinton, Peacekeeping and Humanitarian Intervention. Rise and Fall of a Policy (Abingdon, Oxon; New York: Routledge, 2008).

    Google Scholar 

  58. On gaps between policymakers’ perceptions and public opinion, see Steven Kull, I.M. Destler, and Clay Ramsay. The Foreign Policy Gap. How Policymakers Misread the Public. Report by the Center for International and Security Studies and its Program on International Policy Attitudes, University of Maryland, October 1997; Lawrence R. Jacobs and Robert Y. Shapiro, “Public Opinion in President Clinton’s First Year: Leadership and Responsiveness,” in The Clinton Presidency. Campaigning, Governing & the Psychology of Leadership, ed. Stanley A. Renshon (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1995), 195–211; Leonie G. Murray, Clinton, Peacekeeping and Humanitarian Intervention. Rise and Fall of a Policy (Abingdon, Oxon; New York: Routledge, 2008).

    Google Scholar 

  59. Fred I. Greenstein, The Presidential Difference. Leadership Style from FDR to Clinton (New York: Martin Kessler Books/Free Press, 2000), 174.

    Google Scholar 

  60. John P. Burke, The Institutional Presidency, Organizing and Managing the White House from FDR to Clinton, 2nd ed. (Baltimore; London: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 2000), 180.

    Google Scholar 

  61. David Mitchell, Making Foreign Policy. Presidential Management of the Decision-Making Process (Aldershot; Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2005), 141. For a multidisciplinary collection of articles on Clinton’s leadership style, see Renshon, Clinton Presidency.

    Google Scholar 

  62. Mitchell, Making Foreign Policy, 141–173; Phillippe R. Girard, Clinton in Haiti: the 1994 US Invasion of Haiti (Houndmills, Basingstoke; New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2004).

    Book  Google Scholar 

  63. George A. MacLean, Clinton’s Foreign Policy in Russia. From Deterrence and Isolation to Democratization and Engagement (Aldershot; Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2006).

    Google Scholar 

  64. Sidney Weintraub, “The North American Free Trade Agreement as Negotiated: A US Perspective,” in Assessing NAFTA: A Trinational Analysis, ed. Steven Globerman and Michael Walker (Vancouver: The Fraser Institute, 1992), 24–31.

    Google Scholar 

  65. Bob Woodward, The Agenda. Inside the Clinton White House (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1994), 317–319.

    Google Scholar 

  66. Ross Perot and Pat Choate, Save your Job, Save your Country: Why NAFTA Must be Stopped-Now! (New York: Hyperion Books, 1993).

    Google Scholar 

  67. Eric M. Uslaner, “Let the Chits Fall Where They May? Executive and Constituency Influences on Congressional Voting on NAFTA,” Legislative Studies Quarterly 23.3 (August 1998), 347–371.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  68. Robert A. Pastor, Exiting the Whirlpool. U.S. Foreign Policy Toward Latin America and the Caribbean. 2nd ed. (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 2001), 114.

    Google Scholar 

  69. For an account on the Mexican domestic politics preceding the crisis, see Peter H. Smith, “The Mexican Peso Crisis,” in East Asia and Latin America. The Unlikely Alliance, ed. Peter H. Smith, Kotaro Horisaka, and Shoji Nishijima (Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc., 2003), 187–208.

    Google Scholar 

  70. John Bailey, “Deterioro del Apoyo de la Opinión Pública al TLC en Estados Unidos. Dinámica Regional y Partidista, 1994–1996,” in Impactos del TLC en México y Estados Unidos. Efectos Subregionales del Comercio y la Integración Económica (Mexico, DF: Facultad Latinoamericana de Ciencias Sociales/Georgetown University, 2003), 271–299.

    Google Scholar 

  71. Marc Levinson, “Kantor’s Cant. The Hole in Our Trade Policy,” Foreign Affairs (March/April 1996), 7.

    Google Scholar 

  72. The results in the House of Representatives followed party lines: on the Republican side, there were 151 votes in favor against 71 rejecting ratification. Among Democrats, rejection votes reached 171 against 29 in favor of the agreement. For a review of the process in Congress, see Lenore Sek, “Trade Promotion Authority (Fast-Track Authority for Trade Agreements): Background and Developments in the 107th Congress,” CRS Issue Brief for Congress, updated January 14, 2003 (Washington, DC: U.S. Library of Congress/CRS, 2003).

    Google Scholar 

  73. Allen Myerson, “In Texas, Labor is Feeling Trade Accord’s Pinch,” The New York Times, May 8, 1997, 1.

    Google Scholar 

  74. Manuel Pastor, Jr. and Carol Wise, “Trading Places: U.S. Latinos and Trade Liberalization in the Americas,” in Borderless Borders. U.S. Latinos, Latin Americans, and the Paradox of Interdependence, ed. Frank Bonilla et al. (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1998), 35–51.

    Google Scholar 

  75. On the Seattle battle, see Mary Kaldor, “‘Civilising’ Globalisation? The Implications of the ‘Battle in Seattle,’” Millennium: Journal of International Studies 29.15 (2000), 105–114.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  76. Ronaldo Munck, “The Anti-Globalization Movement. From Seattle (1999) to the Future,” in Globalization and Contestation. The New Great Counter-Movement (London; New York: Routledge, 2007), 57–74.

    Google Scholar 

  77. David E. Sanger, “The shipwreck of Seattle,” The New York Times, December 5, 1999, 26.

    Google Scholar 

  78. Nancy Bernkopf Tucker, “The Clinton Years: The Problem of Coherence,” in Making China Policy: Lessons from the Bush and Clinton Administrations, ed. Ramon Myers, Michel Oksenberg, and David Shambaugh (Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc., 2001), 68–69.

    Google Scholar 

  79. For the tone of discussions between economists, see Jeffrey Frankel, “The Crusade for Free Trade: Evaluating Clinton’s International Economic Policy,” Foreign Affairs 80.2 (March-April 2001), http://www.foreignaf-fairs.org/20010301fareviewessay4270/jeffrey-frankel/the-crusade-for-free-trade-evaluating-clinton-s-international-economic-policy.html

    Google Scholar 

  80. William J. Clinton, Address Before a Joint Session of the Congress on the State of the Union, February 4, 1997, http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/index.php?pid=53358

    Google Scholar 

  81. Palmer, David Scott Palmer, US Relations with Latin America during the Clinton Years (Gainesville, FL: University Press of Florida, 2006), 92–95.

    Google Scholar 

  82. In the U.S. foreign policy to the Caribbean, for instance, the lack of an articulated vision on foreign policy led to an increasing interference of domestic groups representing particular interests of individual nations in the region. Thomas Carothers, “Lessons for Policymakers,” in Haitian Frustrations. Dilemmas for US Policy. A Report of the CSIS Americas Program, ed. George Fauriol (Washington, DC: Center for Strategic and International Studies, 1995), 121–122.

    Google Scholar 

  83. Economist Jeffrey E. Garten articulated the strategy at the beginning of the first Clinton administration, identifying as the ten emerging markets: China, India, Indonesia, South Korea, Mexico, Brazil, Argentina, Poland, Turkey, and South Africa. His ideas were later published in his book The Big Ten: Big Emerging Markets and How They will Change our Lives (New York: Basic Books, 1997). A brief assessment of the strategy is offered by Richard A. Melanson, American Foreign Policy since the Vietnam War. The Search for Consensus from Richard Nixon to George W. Bush, 4th ed. (Armonk, NY: M.E. Sharpe, 2005), 270–280.

    Google Scholar 

  84. George W. Bush, State of the Union Address Before a Joint Session of the Congress on Administration Goals, February 27, 2001. Available at the “American President Project” website, at http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/print.php?pid=29643

    Google Scholar 

  85. Robert B. Zoellick, “A Republican Foreign Policy,” Foreign Affairs 79.1 (2000), 63–78.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  86. Kenneth Kidd, “Baker Says Free Trade May Prod Other Nations. Pact Could Result in ‘Market Liberalization Club’,” Toronto Star, June 23, 1988, ME2.

    Google Scholar 

  87. William Kristol and Robert Kagan, “Toward a Neo-Reaganite Foreign Policy,” Foreign Affairs 75.4 (July/August 1996), 18–32.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  88. On the Bush Doctrine, see Robert Jervis, “Understanding the Bush Doctrine,” in American Foreign Policy in a New Era (Abingdon; New York: Routledge, 2005), 79–101.

    Google Scholar 

  89. George W. Bush’s interview with Bob Woodward. Quoted in Bob Woodward, Bush at War (New York: Simon & Schuster, 2002), 96.

    Google Scholar 

  90. Arthur Schlesinger, Jr., “Eyeless in Iraq: The Bush Doctrine and Its Consequences,” in War and the American Presidency (New York: W.W. Norton & Company, 2004), 35.

    Google Scholar 

  91. Peter Singer, The President of Good & Evil. The Ethics of George W. Bush (Melbourne: The Text Publishing Company, 2004).

    Google Scholar 

  92. George W. Bush, Steel Products Proclamation to Facilitate Positive Adjustment to Competition from Imports of Certain Steel Products, by the President of the United States. White House, Office of the Press Secretary, March 5, 2002, http://www.whitehouse.gov/news/releases/2002/03/20020305-7.html

    Google Scholar 

  93. Kevin K. Ho, “Trading Rights and Wrongs: The 2002 Bush Steel Tariffs,” Berkeley Journal of International Law 21 (2003), 825–846.

    Google Scholar 

  94. Critical views of this politicization of trade pacts can be found in Jeffrey Schott, “Assessing US FTA Policy,” in Free Trade Agreements, 359–381; Sidney Weintraub, “History Repeats Itself in Trade Policy,” CSIS Issues in International Political Economy 34 (October 2002), http://www.csis.org/media/csis/pubs/issues200210.pdf

    Google Scholar 

  95. Office of the United States Trade Representative, 2003 Trade Policy Agenda and 2002 Annual Report on the Trade Agreements Program (Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office, 2003), 29.

    Google Scholar 

  96. Griswold’s analysis of the trade-related votes of the 107th Congress (2001–2002) shows that while Republicans are more willing to vote for tariff cuts, there was no substantial difference between parties in the issue of agricultural subsidies. Daniel T. Griswold, “Free Trade, Free Markets. Rating the 107th Congress,” Center for Trade Policy Studies, January 2003, http://www.freetrade.org/pubs/pas/tpa-022.pdf

    Google Scholar 

  97. Edmund E. Andrews, “How CAFTA Passed House by 2 Votes,” The New York Times, July 29, 2005.

    Google Scholar 

  98. Lula da Silva then commented that he would not respond to “the deputy of the deputy of the American deputy secretary”. Neil King and Jonathan Karp, “A Global Journal Report: US, Brazil Key to Trade Quest-Nations Need to Open their Markets in Hemisphere’s Treaty Plan,” Wall Street Journal, November 4, 2002, A13.

    Google Scholar 

  99. John G. Ruggie, “International Regimes, Transactions, and Change: Embedded Liberalism in the Postwar Economic Order,” International Organization 36.2 (Spring 1982), 379–415.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  100. For the concept of whirlpool in U.S. foreign policy to Latin America, see Robert Pastor, Exiting the Whirlpool. U.S. Foreign Policy Toward Latin America and the Caribbean, 2nd ed. (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 2001).

    Google Scholar 

Download references

Authors

Copyright information

© 2011 Zuleika Arashiro

About this chapter

Cite this chapter

Arashiro, Z. (2011). U.S. Foreign Trade Policy: Leadership in a Constrained System. In: Negotiating the Free Trade Area of the Americas. Studies of the Americas. Palgrave Macmillan, New York. https://doi.org/10.1057/9780230119055_6

Download citation

Publish with us

Policies and ethics