Abstract
The previous chapter examined how the shift in economic paradigms in Latin America created a mindset among policymakers that facilitated rapprochement with the United States. But even though those conditions provided initial support for the hemispheric free trade area idea, its successful implementation still depended on the politics of negotiations.
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Notes
Kenneth A. Oye, “Explaining Cooperation Under Anarchy: Hypotheses and Strategies,” in Cooperation Under Anarchy, ed. author (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1986), 9.
As Keohane and Nye argue, “whether the benefits of a relationship (of interdependence) will exceed the costs … will depend on the values of the actors as well as on the nature of the relationship,” in Robert Keohane and Jospeh Nye, Power and Interdependence, 3rd ed. (New York; San Francisco: Longman, 2001 [1st ed. 1977]), 8.
In a 1958 article, Ernst Haas warned that “systematic research into the expectations entertained by Latin American elites with respect to the OAS might reveal an anti-United States mutual responsiveness pattern which at the same time would imply a number of non-integrative consequences for the work of the OAS” (458). In Ernst Haas, “The Challenge of Regionalism,” International Organization 12.4 (Autumn 1958), 440–458.
For a retrospective view on the different concepts of regionalism in Latin America, see Louise Fawcett, “The Origins and Development of Regional Ideas in the Americas,” in Regionalism and Governance in the Americas. Continental Drift, ed. Louise Fawcett and Monica Serrano. (Basingstoke; New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2005), 27–51.
David Shenin, ed., Beyond The Ideal: Pan Americanism in Inter-American Affairs (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 2000).
The argument of supremacy of U.S. values in comparison to Latin American values can be found in Lawrence E. Harrison, The Pan-American Dream: do Latin America’s Cultural Values Discourage True Partnership with the United States and Canada? (New York: Basic Books, 1997).
Lawrence E. Harrison and Samuel P. Huntington, eds., Culture Matters: How Values Shape Human Progress (New York: Basic Books, 2000).
Richard Feinberg and Javier Corrales, “Why Did It Take 200 Years? The Intellectual Journey to the Summit of the Americas,” in Richard E. Feinberg, Summitry of the Americas. A Progress Report. (Washington, DC: Institute for International Economics, 1997), 16.
Originally cited in Thomas L. Karnes, ed., Readings in the Latin American Policy of the United States (Tucson: The University of Arizona Press, 1972), 17. Reproduced in Feinberg and Corrales, “Why Did it Take 200 Years?,” 16.
Robert Pastor, Exiting the Whirlpool. US Foreign Policy toward Latin America and the Caribbean, 2nd ed. (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 2001).
Peter H. Smith, The Talons of the Eagle. Latin America, the United States, and the World, 3rd ed. (Oxford; New York: Oxford University Press, 2008), 29.
Letter from James G. Blaine, Formerly Secretary of State, to President Chester A. Arthur, February 3, 1882, in James W. Gantenbein, The Evolution of our Latin-American Policy. A Documentary Record (New York: Octagon Books, 1971), 49–52.
A detailed history of the formulation of the policy and its implications is provided in Bryce Wood, The Making of the Good Neighbor Policy (New York: Columbia University Press, 1961).
Henry Raymont, Troubled Neighbors. The Story of US-Latin American Relations, from FDR to the Present (New York: Westview Press, 2005), 131–135.
For an analysis associating the modernization ideology to beliefs of U.S. cultural and moral supremacy, see Michael E. Latham, Modernization as Ideology. American Social Science and “Nation Building” in the Kennedy Era (Chapel Hill; London: The University of North Carolina Press, 2000). The books offers a fascinating account of the rise of modernization theory and theorists and their influence in policymaking during the Kennedy administration, examining three policy initiatives implemented in the period: The Alliance for Progress, the Peace Corps, and the Strategic Hamlet Program in Vietnam.
Albert O. Hirschman’s article, “Second Thoughts on the Alliance for Progress,” was first published in The Reporter on May 25, 1961. Reprinted in Albert O. Hirschman, A Bias for Hope. Essays on Development and Latin America (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1971), 175–182.
Simon G. Hanson, Dollar Diplomacy Modern Style: Chapters in the Failure of the Alliance for Progress (Washington, DC: Inter-American Affairs Press, 1970).
For a recent analysis of the implementation of the Alliance for Progress in individual Latin American countries, see Jeffrey F. Taffet, Foreign Aid as Foreign Policy: the Alliance for Progress in Latin America (New York: Routledge, 2007).
Brian W. Tomlin, “The Stages of Pre-Negotiation: The Decision to Negotiate North American Free Trade,” International Journal XLIV (1989), 255.
Tomlin, “Stages of Pre-Negotiation,” 263; Murray Smith, “The North American Free Trade Agreement: A Canadian Perspective,” in The Enterprise for the Americas Initiative. Issues and Prospects for a Free Trade Agreement in the Western Hemisphere, ed. Roy E. Green (Westport, CT: Praeger, 1993), 35–50.
A detailed account of the making of CUSFTA within Canada is offered by G. Bruce Doern and Brian W. Tomlin in Faith and Fear: The Free Trade Story (Toronto: Stoddart, 1991).
For a commented collection of official documents and surveys conducted in Canada, related to the CUFSTA proposal, see Duncan Cameron, ed., The Free Trade Papers (Toronto: James Lorimer & Company, 1986).
Michael M. Hart, “Canadian Economic Development and the International Trading System: Constraints and Opportunities.” Monograph commissioned by the Royal Commission on the Economic Union and Development Prospects of Canada (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1985), 38.
Allan Gotlieb, “I’ll Be with You in a Minute, Mr. Ambassador” The Education of a Canadian Diplomat in Washington (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1991), 101–112.
Carsten Kowalczyk and Ronald J. Wonnacott, “Hubs and Spokes, and Free Trade in the Americas,” Working Paper No.4198, National Bureau of Economic Research, October 1992, http://www.nber.org/papers/w4198.pdf?new_window=1
Nora Lustig, Mexico, the Remaking of an Economy, 2nd ed. (Washington, DC: Brookings Institution Press, 1998), 136.
Data from Mexico’s Instituto Nacional de Estadística, Geografia e Informática, cited in M. Angeles Villareal, Mexico’s Maquiladora Industry, U.S. Congressional Research Service Report updated December 14, 1993 (Washington, DC: U.S. Library of Congress/CRS, 1993), 3–5. The Mexican government came to support the maquiladora production program when the Bracero Program, through which Mexicans were employed as seasonal farm workers in the United States, was terminated in 1964. Through the maquiladora program, foreign companies were allowed to install assembling plants in predetermined zones and export with reduced tariffs, mainly to the United States. In the United States, maquiladora-assembled imports benefited from reduced import duties through provision 9802.00.80 of the U.S. Harmonized Tariff Schedule and through the U.S. General System of Preferences.
Robert R. Kaufman, Carlos Bazdresch, and Blanca Heredia, “Mexico: Radical Reform in a Dominant Party System,” in Voting for Reform. Democracy, Political Liberalization, and Economic Adjustment, ed. Stephan Haggard and Steven B. Webb (New York: Oxford University Press, 1994), 360–410.
Manuel Pastor and Carol Wise, “The Origins and Sustainability of Mexico’s Free Trade Policy,” International Organization 48.3 (Summer 1994), 469.
Victor Bulmer-Thomas, Nikki Craske, and Mónica Serrano, “Who Will Benefit?,” in Mexico and the North American Free Trade, ed. Victor Bulmer-Thomas, Nikki Craske, and Mónica Serrano (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1994), 203–232.
Salinas team included Pedro Aspe (PhD in Economics, MIT) as minister of finance, Jaime Serra Puche (PhD in Economics, Yale University) as minister of commerce, Miguel Mancera (PhD in economics, Yale University) as the head of the central bank, and Herminio Blanco (PhD in Economics, University of Chicago) as deputy minister of foreign trade. For a detailed study on the Mexican case, see Sarah Babb, Managing Mexico. Economists from Nationalism to Neoliberalism (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2001).
On the ideological dimension of hegemony, see Robert W. Cox, “Gramsci: Hegemony and International Relations: An Essay on Method,” Millenium: Journal of International Studies 12.2 (1983), 162–175.
Leah F. Vosko, “Fabric Friends and Clothing Foes: A Comparative Analysis of Textile and Apparel Industries under the NAFTA,” Review of Radical Political Economics 25.4 (December 1993), 45–58.
See Gustavo Vega and Luz María de Mora, “Mexico’s Trade Policy: Financial Crisis and Economic Recovery,” in Confronting Development. Assessing Mexico’s Economic and Social Policy Challenges, ed. Kevin J. Middlebrook and Eduardo Zepeda (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2003), 172.
Albert Hirschman, National Power and the Structure of Foreign Trade (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1969), 17.
A Mexican negotiator recognized that despite the academic credentials, the negotiation team had little practical experience and was unable to capture the rationale behind protectionist arguments. See Maxwell A. Cameron and Brian W. Tomlin, The Making of NAFTA: How the Deal was Done (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2000), 234.
The book by Gary C. Hufbauer, Jeffrey J. Schott, Robin Dunnigan, and Diana Clark, NAFTA: An Assessment (Washington, DC: Institute for International Economics, 1993), became the central reference for the pro NAFTA group, who found in the estimations of job generation the numbers needed to contain critics arguing the risk of job losses in the United States. Among the U.S. voices of opposition was the think tank Economic Policy Institute. Thea Lee, who during her time at the Institute, wrote the polemic briefing paper “False Prophets. The Selling of NAFTA” (Washington, DC: Economic Policy Institute, 1995), later joined the Policy Department of the AFL-CIO.
James M. Cypher, “The Ideology of Economic Science in the Selling of NAFTA: The Political Economy of Elite Decision-Making,” Review of Radical Political Economics 25.4 (December 1993), 146–163.
Paul Krugman, “Book Review of NAFTA: An Assessment,” Journal of Economic Literature 33.2 (June 1995), 850.
Barry Carr, “Crossing Borders: Labor Internationalism in the Era of NAFTA,” in Neoliberalism Revisited. Economic Restructuring and Mexico’s Political Future, ed. Gerardo Otero (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1996), 209–231. Carr points out that in past experiences during the 1930s and 1940s, labor internationalism was able to effectively exchange knowledge in a less asymmetrical pattern.
David Barkin, “A Constructive Labor Strategy for Free Trade,” Review of Radical Political Economics 25.4 (December 1993), 133–145.
Herman W. Konrad, “North American Continental Relationships: Historical Trends and Antecedents,” in NAFTA in Transition, ed. Stephen Randall and Herman W. Konrad (Toronto: University of Calgary Press, 1995), 15–35. An interesting account of the development of fluid relations between U.S. and Mexican government elites is offered by Hermann von Bertrab, the Mexican head of the Washington office (from December 1990 to May 1994) in charge of coordinating operations for public and governmental relations, with regard to NAFTA.
In Hermann von Bertrab, Negotiating NAFTA. A Mexican Envoy’s Account, The Washington Papers 173 (Westport; London: Praeger and Center for Strategic and International Studies, 1997).
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© 2011 Zuleika Arashiro
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Arashiro, Z. (2011). Lessons from Economic Cooperation in the Americas. In: Negotiating the Free Trade Area of the Americas. Studies of the Americas. Palgrave Macmillan, New York. https://doi.org/10.1057/9780230119055_5
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