Abstract
As the 1990s drew to a close, it was not obvious that the U.S. government—led by President Bill Clinton—would decide to use force against Serbia (formally the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia). By February 1999, however, the White House believed that an air campaign was the only way to achieve American and NATO goals.1 The Serbs—led by President Slobodan Milosevic—had refused to sign the February 1999 Rambouillet Agreement, which would have granted autonomy to the Kosovar Albanians. The Clinton administration was convinced that force was the only way to degrade the Serbs’ ability to engage in ethnic cleansing, bring them to agree to terms like those in the Rambouillet Agreement, and preserve NATO’s credibility. On March 24, 1999, American planes led NATO into war for the first time in the alliance’s history.
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Notes
For an overview, see Ivo H. Daalder and Michael E. O’Hanlon, Winning Ugly: NATO’s War to Save Kosovo (Washington, D.C.: Brookings Institution, 2000).
For a recent judgment (with additional citations on this point), see Daniel R. Lake, “The Limits of Coercive Airpower: NATO’s ‘Victory’ in Kosovo Revisited,” International Security 34, no. 1 (Summer 2009), 84, 109.
Louise Richardson, “A Force for Good in the World: Britain’s Role in the Kosovo Crisis,” in Alliance Politics, Kosovo, and NATO’s War: Allied Force or Forced Allies? Ed. Pierre Martin and Mark R. Brawley (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2001), 145. See also Daalder and O’Hanlon, Winning Ugly, 36, 132, 158.
John Kampfner, Blair’s Wars (London: Simon and Schuster, 2003), 12.
Tony Blair, “Speech by the Prime Minister on Foreign Affairs,” Tuesday December 15, 1998, http://www.number10.gov.uk/.
Ibid. Another reason is cooperation on defense and intelligence. Peter Riddell, rev. ed. Hug Them Close: Blair, Clinton, and the “Special Relationship” (London: Politico’s, 2004), 26.
See Paddy Ashdown, The Ashdown Diaries Volume II: 1997–1999 (London: Allen Lane, 2001), 412–13.
Independent International Commission on Kosovo, Kosovo Report, 180–182; Kampfner, Blair’s Wars, 55. While Tim Judah is right that these actions do not prove motives other than humanitarian ones, they do cast doubt on the force of these motives. Another, more controversial issue is casualty aversion and the 15,000-foot bombing ceiling. See John Norris, Collision Course: NATO, Russia, and Kosovo (Westport, CT: Praeger, 2005), 5
Benjamin S. Lambeth, NATO’s Air War for Kosovo: A Strategic and Operational Assessment (Santa Monica: RAND, 2001), 140.
Katharina P. Coleman, International Organizations and Peace Enforcement: The Politics of International Legitimacy (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007), 200.
Madeleine Albright with Bill Woodward, Madam Secretary (New York: Miramax Books, 2003), 384.
Strobe Talbott, The Russia Hand: A Memoir of Presidential Diplomacy (New York: Random House, 2002), 317. See also Daalder and O’Hanlon, Winning Ugly, 118; John Norris, Collision Course, 5, 21, 95.
For Iraq, see Claire Trean, “Pourquoi la France n’ose pas affi cher ses divergences avec les Etats-Unis,” Le Monde, 21 décembre 1998. More broadly, see Maurice Vaïsse, La puissance ou l’infl uence: La France dans le monde depuis 1998 (Paris: Fayard, 2009), 214, 217–18.
Hubert Védrine, Face à l’hyperpuissance: Textes et discourse 1995–2003 (Paris: Fayard, 2003), 113. For earlier statements, see pp., 90, 104–05.
Jacques Chirac, Mon combat pour la paix: textes et interventions (Paris: Odile Jacob, 2007), 84. See also Védrine, Face, 153.
Even Bill Clinton recognized this to be the case. See Gilles Delafon and Thomas Sancton, Dear Jacques, Cher Bill: Au coeur de l’Elysée et de la Maison Blanche, 1995–1999 (Paris: Plon, 1999), 16r. For a detailed survey, see pp. 58–119.
Craig R. Whitney, “NATO Threatens Military Action to Stem the Violence in Kosovo,” The New York Times, January 29, 1999.
Vaïsse La puissance ou l’infl uence, 214–15. See also, Janet Bryant, “France and NATO from 1966 to Kosovo: Coming Full Circle,” European Security 9, no. 3 (Autumn 2000): 21–37.
Gilles Andréani, “Force et diplomatie à propos de la guerre du Kosovo,” Annuaire français de relations internationals (2000), 166.
Isabelle Lasserrre, L’Impuissance Française: 1989–2007 Une diplomatie qui a fait son temps (Paris: Flammarion, 2007), 118.
Wesley K. Clark, Waging Modern War: Bosnia, Kosovo, and the Future of Combat (New York: Public Affairs, 2001), 428; Macleod, “France,” 124.
Claire Trean, “De nouveau, l’indignation impuissante des Occidentaux; L’OTAN continue de privilégier l’idée d’une autonomie négociée,” Le Monde, January 19, 1999.
Natalie Nougayrede, “Il n’y a pas de politique spécifi quement française au Kosovo,” Le Monde, January 21, 1999.
Patrick Jarreau, Olivier Mazerolle, Pierre Luc Seguillon, “Il est de l’ordre de la critique légitime de mettre en cause l’unilatéralisme américain,” Le Monde, March 16, 1999.
Michael J. Brenner and Guillaume Parmentier, Reconcilable Differences: U.S.France Relations in the New Era (Washington, D.C.: Brookings Institution Press, 2002), 35.
For an overview, see Osvaldo Croci, “Forced Ally? Italy and ‘Operation Allied Force,’” in Italian Politics, 2000: The Faltering Transition, ed. Mark Gilbert and Gianfranco Pasquino (New York: Berghahn Books, 2000), 33–50.
Daalder and O’Hanlon, Winning Ugly, 147–49. For a slightly lower fi gure, see John E. Peters et al., European Contributions to Operation Allied Force (Santa Monica: RAND, 2001), 19, 21.
Dino Martirano, “L’Italia Fornira’ Le Basi Ma Non Bombardera,’” Corriere della Sera, March 24, 1999.
Marco Nese, “Aerei Italiani Colpiscono in Kosovo,” Corriere della Sera, April 15, 1999.
Massimo D’Alema (intervista di F. Rampini), Kosovo. Gli italiani e la guerra (Milano: Mondadori, 1999), 39.
Maurizio Cremasco, “Italy and the Management of International Crises,” in Alliance Politics, Kosovo, and NATO’s War: Allied Force or Forced Allies? Ed. Pierre Martin and Mark R. Brawley (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2001), 172.
Franco Venturini, “Il Paradosso Americano,” Corriere della Sera, December 17, 1998.
See Roberto Aliboni e Daniela Pioppi, “Il caso Öcalan, l’Italia e i rapporti euro-turchi,” in L’Italia e la politica internazionale, 2000, ed., Roberto Aliboni et al. (Bologna: Il Mulino, 2000).
See also Maria Latella, “D’Alema-Clinton, L’Ombra Del Cermis,” Corriere della Sera, March 5, 1999
Ennio Carretto, “D’Alema A Clinton: Dovete Punire I Colpevoli,” Corriere della Sera, March 6, 1999.
Dino Vaiano, “La Fedelta’ Alla Nato Non Si Discute,” Corriere della Sera, March 8, 1999.
See also Franco Venturini, “Il Legame USA-Italia Non Si Discute,” Corriere della Sera, March 10, 1999
and Franco Venturini, “Sfi da Alla Superpotenza Sfi da,” Corriere della Sera, March 10, 1999.
Roberto Menotti, “Italy,” in Enlarging NATO: The National Debates, ed. Gale A. Mattox and Arthur R. Rachwald (Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner, 2001), 94–95.
Massimo D’Alema, “Italy, Europe and the New Nato,” International Herald Tribune, January 22, 1999.
“Intervento del Presidente del Consiglio Massimo D’Alema—Camera dei Deputati,” 25/01/99, http://www.sitiarcheologici.palazzochigi.it/. See also Maria Latella, “D’Alema-Clinton: L’Ombra Del Cermis,” Corriere della Sera, March 5, 1999.
Saulino Felice, “D’Alema Evita La Crisi,” Corriere della Sera, March 27, 1999.
Roberto Menotti, “I rapporti politici transatlantici e la trasformazione della NATO,” in L’Italia e la politica internazionale, 2000, ed. Roberto Aliboni et al. (Bologna: Il Mulino, 2000), 357.
Stefano Folli, “Svolta Di Politica Estera Anche Per Ragioni Interne,” Corriere della Sera, January 19, 1999
Stefano Folli, “Solidarieta’ Chiesta Al Paese E Sopratutto Alla Coalizione,” Corriere della Sera, March 31, 1999.
Interview with Carlo Scognamiglio, 4/23/09. See also, Carlo Scognamiglio Pasini, La Guerra del Kosovo (Milano: Rizzoli, 2002), 57.
Maurizio Caprara e Marco Nese, “Roma Da’ Le Basi, Sinistra Divisa,” Corriere della Sera, October 13, 1998.
Andrea Nicastro, “Rischi Per l’Italia?,” Corriere della Sera, March 23, 1999.
Angelo Panzeri, “Bloccati Alla Frontiere 70 Profughi Dal Kosovo. E’ Di Nuovo Emergenza,” Corriere della Sera, October 13, 1998
Roberto Buonavoglia, “Puglia, E’ Di Nuovo Emergenza Sbarchi,” Corriere della Sera, October 18, 1998; “Gorizia, Nuovi Arrivi Di Profughi Del Kosovo,” Corriere della Sera, October 26, 1998;
Roberto Zuccolini, “Questa Volta Gli Albanesi Devono Impegnarsi Sul Serio,” Corriere della Sera, October 27, 1998
Roberto Buonavoglia, “Immigrati, Ancora Sbarchi In Puglia,” Corriere della Sera, December 28, 1998
Carlo Vulpi and Roberto Buonavoglia, “Ondata Di Profughi Sulle Coste Pugliesi,” Corriere Della Sera, January 18, 1999.
Renato Mannheimer, “Quasi L’ 80 Per Cento Degli Italiani In Allarme Per La Nuova Ondata Di Arrivi,” Corriere della Sera, March 29, 1999.
See also D’Alema, Kosovo, 15, 19, 20; Marco Nese, “Task Force-Profughi,” Corriere della Sera, April 12, 1999.
Angelo Panebianco, “Un Paese Alla Prova,” Corriere della Sera, March 30, 1999. See also “Intervento del Presidente del Consiglio Massimo D’Alema— Camera dei Deputati,” 1/25/99.
Marco Nese, “D’Alema: L’Italia Al Fianco Della Nato,” Corriere della Sera, January 19, 1999.
Ernesto Galli Della Loggia,“Italia Paese Balcanico,” Corriere della Sera, March 25, 1999.
Stefano Folli, “Svolta Di Politica Estera Anche Per Ragioni Interne,” Corriere della Sera, January 19, 1999
Franco Venturini, “Una Scelta Sofferta,” Corriere della Sera, March 24, 1999.
Ennio Carretto, “Riforma ONU, L’Italia Vince La Sfi da,” Corriere della Sera, November 24, 1999.
Massimo Gaggi e Franco Venturini, “Soldati Nei Balcani E Non Bombe,” Corriere della Sera, February 7, 1999.
Andrea Nicastro, “Ma Non Possiamo Rimanere Indifferenti Alle Stragi,” Corriere della Sera, March 22, 1999.
“Fu un errore bombardare Belgrado,” Il Riformista, 24 Marzo 2009. For a similar interpretation, see Marta Dassù, Mondo privato e altre storie (Torino: Bollati Boringhieri, 2009), 88.
Renato Mannheimer, “Sondaggio: Vincono I No Alle Bombe,” Corriere della Sera, April 27, 1999.
Many believe that the government was targeting the far-left with its peace initiatives and its claim that Italian aircraft would only be used for defensive purposes. Dini, Fra Casa Bianca, 70; Cremasco, “Italy and the Management of International Crises,” 172; Roberto Zuccolini, “Fermiamo Subito I Bombardamenti,” Corrriere della Sera, May 19, 1999.
Fabrizio Coticchia and Giampiero Giacomello, “Esiste una Via Italiana alla Cultura di Difesa?” Biblioteca della Libertà, XLIII, no. 193 (October–December 2008): 109–22.
See Natalino Ronzitti, “L’intervento in Iraq e il diritto internazionale,” in L’Italia e la politica internazionale, 2004, ed. Alessandro Colombo and Natalino Ronzitti (Bologna: Il Mulino, 2004), 67–78.
Gianna Fragonara, “Cossutta: Il Parlamento Discuta L’Intervento, Noi Diremo No,” Corriere della Sera, March 23, 1999
“Ingrao: Costituzione Stracciata, c’e’ Troppa Soggezzione Degli USA,” Corriere della Sera, March 25, 1999; Maria Latella, “Sanguineti: D’Alema, Non Sei Di Sinistra,” Corriere della Sera, March 25, 1999.
Francesco Alberti, “Tortorella: No Massimo, Cosi’ Non Ti Fermerai,” Corriere della Sera, April 15, 1999.
Luigi Offeddu, “D’Alema, Appello Al Leader Serbo,” Corriere della Sera, March 30, 1999
Ennio Carretto, “Se Inizia Il Ritiro, L’Attacco Finira,” Corriere della Sera, April 24, 1999; “D’Alema Orgoglioso Per La Dura Prova,” Corriere della Sera, June 6, 1999. See also D’Alema, Kosovo, 98.
Roberto Zuccolini, “L’Ira Di Cossiga,” Corriere della Sera , March 27, 1999.
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© 2011 Jason W. Davidson
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Davidson, J.W. (2011). Kosovo. In: America’s Allies and War. Palgrave Macmillan, New York. https://doi.org/10.1057/9780230118485_4
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