Abstract
The “most important fact of our time,” according to R.J. Rummel writing in 1997, is the recognition that democracy is “a method of non-violence.” By this is understood that “liberal democracies do not make war on each other… that the more two nations are democratic, the less violence between them… that the more democracy, the less collective domestic violence, such as riots, rebellions, guerrilla warfare, and the like… that the more democracy, the less democide (genocide and mass murder).”1
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Notes
R.J. Rummel, Power Kills. Democracy as a method of nonviolence (New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Publishers, 1997), 23.
For general critical overviews of findings and summaries of both agreements and points of disagreement among scholars in this field, see James Lee Ray, Democracy and International Conflict. An Evaluation of the Democratic Peace Proposition (Columbia, SC: University of South Carolina Press, 1995).
See also Steve Chan, “In Search of Democratic Peace: Problems and Promise,” Mershon International Studies Review 41 (1997): 59–91;
James Lee Ray, “Does Democracy Cause Peace?,” Annual Review of Political Science 1 (1998): 27–46; and
James Lee Ray, “The Democratic Path to Peace,” Journal of Democracy 8, 2 (April 1997): 49–64.
Fred Chernoff, “The Study of Democratic Peace and Progress in International Relations,” International Studies Review 6 (2004): 49–77;
Nils Peter Gleditsch, “Democracy and Peace,” Journal of Peace Research 29, 4 (1992): 369–376.
Bruce Russett, Grasping the Democratic Peace. Principles for a Post-Cold War World (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1993), ch. 4, 72–98.
Bruce Russett and John ONeal, Triangulating Peace. Democracy, Interdependence and International Organisations (New York: W.W. Norton, 2001), 93.
Matthew Krain and Marissa Edson Myers, “Democracy and Civil War: A Note on the Democratic Peace Proposition,” International Interactions 23, 1 (1997): 109–118.
Errol A. Henderson and J. David Singer, “Civil War in the Post-Colonial World, 1946–92,” Journal of Peace Research 37, 3 (2000): 275–299.
For a list of such wars up to 1986, see Michael W. Doyle, “Liberalism and World Politics,” American Political Science Review 80, 4 (December 1986): 1151–1169, 1165, 1166.
Hans Reis (ed.), Kant’s Political Writings trans. H.B. Nisbet (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1970).
Other authoritative measures are the Polity IV set of indicators developed by Ted Robert Gurr and colleagues, the data set established by Tatu Vanhanen, and the measures developed by Przeworski, Alvarez, Cheibub, and Limongi. All four of these data sets are compared and analyzed in Pippa Norris, Driving Democracy, Do Power-Sharing Institutions Work? (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2008).
Arch Puddington, “The 2008 Freedom House Survey: A Third Year of Decline,” Journal of Democracy 20, 3 (April 2009): 93–107.
John M. Owen, “How Liberalism Produces Democratic Peace,” International Security 19, 2 (1984): 87–125; Doyle, “Liberalism and World Politics”; Rummel, Power Kills 137–152; Russett, Grasping the Democratic Peace 30–41, 80–93.
Russett, Grasping the Democratic Peace 31. The logic underlying cooperation by free agents over conflict and confrontation is spelt out in the work of Robert Axelrod on the iterated prisoner’s Dilemma, The Evolution of Co-operation (New York: Basic Books, 1984).
See also Matt Ridley, The Origins of Virtue: Human Instincts and the Evolution of Co-operation (New York: Viking, 1996). For the construction of institutions of cooperation in such conditions,
see Elinor Ostrom, Governing the Commons, The Evolution of Institutions for Collective Action (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990).
Robert Dahl Polyarchy. Participation and Opposition (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1971), 37.
Azar Gat, War in Human Civilization (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2006), ch. 16, 587–609.
On the importance of levels of development for the liberal peace, see also Havard Hegre, “Development and the Liberal Peace: What Does it Take to be a Trading State?,” Journal of Peace Research 37, 1 (2000). 5–30;
Michael Mousseau, “Market Prosperity, Democratic Consolidation, and the Democratic Peace,” Journal of Conflict Resolution 44, 4 (August 2000): 472– 507; Michael Mousseau, Havard Hegre, and John ONeal, “How the Wealth of Nations Conditions the Liberal Peace,” European Journal of International Relations 9, 2 (2003): 277–314.
Martin van Creveld, The Transformation of War (New York: The Free Press, 1991), 87.
Ronald Inglehart and Wayne E. Baker, “Modernization, Cultural Change, and the Persistence of Traditional Values,” American Sociological Review 65 (February 2000): 19–51.
Martin van Creveld, The Culture of War (New York: Balantine books, 2008).
It has been argued that the very presence of large numbers of such “surplus” males within the populations of China and India holds significant implications for international security and domestic stability in these countries, with implications for the expansion of the liberal democratic zone of peace. See Valerie M. Hudson and Andrea M. den Boer, Bare Branches. The Security Implications of Asia’s Surplus Male Population (London: The MIT Press, 2005).
Samuel P. Huntington, The Third Wave. Democratization in the Late Twentieth Century (Norman, OK: University of Oklahoma Press, 1991), 3, 4.
This perspective has yielded a large body of important theoretical and empirical findings, much of policy relevance, derived from comparative studies of peace processes. See Peter Harris and Ben Reilly (eds.), Democracy and Deep-Rooted Conflict: Options for Negotiators (Stockholm: International Idea, 1998);.
John Darby and Roger Mac Ginty (eds.), Contemporary Peacemaking, Conflict, Peace Processes and Post-War Reconstruction (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2008) second edition;
H. Miall, O. Ramsbottom, and T. Woodhouse, Contemporary Conflict Resolution (Cambridge: Polity Press, 2005)
Some of the standard works in this very large field are by Arend Lijphart, The Politics of Accommodation (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1968);
Arend Lijphart, Democracy in Plural Societies. A Comparative Exploration (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1977);
Donald L. Horowitz, Ethnic Groups in Conflict (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1985);
Timothy D. Sisk, Power-Sharing and International mediation in Ethnic Conflicts (Washington DC: United States Institute of Peace Press, 1996);
Andrew Reynolds (ed.), The Architecture of Democracy. Constitutional Design, Conflict Management and Democracy (New York: Oxford University Press, 2002);
Sid Noel (ed.) From Power-Sharing to Democracy. Post-Conflict Institutions in Ethnically Divided Societies (Montreal: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 2005); Pippa Norris, Driving Democracy. Do Power-Sharing Institutions Work?
Arguably the most influential in this regard were the analyses collected in the volume edited by Guillermo O’Donnell, Phillipe C. Schmitter, and Laurence Whitehead, Transitions from Authoritarian Rule. Prospects for Democracy (London: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1986).
One of the earliest and influential presentations of the importance of processes of transition is by Dankwart A. Rustow, “Transitions to Democracy: Toward a Dynamic Model,” Comparative Politics! 3 (April 1970): 337–363.
Phillipe C. Schmitter, “The Proto-Science of Consolidology; Can it Improve the Outcome of Contemporary Efforts at Democratization?,” Politikon, South African Journal of Political Studies 21, 2 (December 1994): 15–27, 24, 25.
Roger Mac Ginty, No War, No Peace. The Rejuvenation of Stalled Peace Processes and Peace Accords (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2006), 43. Mac Ginty’s book takes a highly critical look at this proposition.
Boutros Boutros-Ghali, An Agenda for Peace. Preventive Diplomacy, Peacemaking and Peace-keeping, New York: United Nations, January 31, 1992, Para. 59.
A summary of UN peace operations can be found in Paul F. Diehl, Peace Operations (Cambridge: Polity Press, 2008). See also Russett and ONeal, Triangulating Peace 200–211.
For critical accounts, see the work of Mac Ginty, No War, No Peace; Mac Ginty and Richmond (eds.), The liberal Peace and Post-War Reconstruction, Myth or Reality (New York: Routledge, 2009).
See also Tarak Barkawi and Mark Laffey (eds.), Democracy, liberalism and War, Rethinking the Democratic Peace Debate (Boulder: Lynne Rienner, 2001).
Influential in this regard are Roland Paris, At War’s End, Building Peace After Civil Conflict (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2004);
Roland Paris and Timothy D. Sisk (eds.), The Dilemmas of State building. Confronting the Contradictions of Postwar Peace Operations (New York: Routledge, 2009).
Leo Kuper, “Plural Societies; Perspectives and Problems,” in Leo Kuper and M.G. Smith, (eds.), Pluralism in Africa (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1969), 12.
M.G. Smith, The Plural Society in the British West Indies (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1965), 81, 82.
S.P. Huntington, 1993 “The Clash of Civilizations?,” Foreign Affairs (summer 1993): 22–49;
Huntington, S.P. The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order (New York: Touchstone, 1996).
Henry Tajfel and John Turner, “An Integrative Theory of Intergroup Conflict,” in William G. Austin and Stephen Worchel (eds.), The Social Psychology of Intergroup Relations (Monterey: Wadsworth, 1979), 40.
Jeff Greenberg, Sheldon Solomon, Tom Pyszcynski, Abraham Rosenblatt, John Burling, Deborah Lyon, Linda Simon, and Elizabeth Pinel, “Why do People Need Self-Esteem? Converging Evidence that Self-Esteem Serves as an Anxiety-Buffering Function,” in Baumeister, Roy, F. (ed.), The Self in Social Psychology (Philadelphia: Taylor and Francis, 1999), 105–122, 106.
Sheldon Solomon, Jeff Greenberg, and Tom Pyszczynski, “A Terror Management Theory of Social Behavior: The Psychological Functions of Self-Esteem and Cultural Worldviews,” in Marc P. Zanna (ed.), Advances in Experimental Social Psychology Vol. 24 (New York: Academic Press, 1991), 93–159.
Peter L. Berger, “On the Obsolescence of the Concept of Honour,” in Peter L. Berger, Brigitte Berger, and Hansfried Kellner (eds.), The Homeless Mind – Modernization and Consciousness (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1974), 78–89.
Robert Dahl, Political Oppositions in Western Democracies (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1966), 48–59. See also Lijphart, Democracy in Plural Societies 71–81.
Amy Chua, World on Fire. How Exporting Free Market Democracy Breeds Ethnic Hatred and Global Instability (New York: Random House, 2004), 4.
Larry Diamond, “Is The Third Wave Over?” Journal of Democracy 7, 3 (1996): 20–37.
Fareed Zakaria, “The Rise of Illiberal Democracy,” Foreign Affairs (November/December 1997): 22–43;
Fareed Zakaria, The Future of Freedom. Illiberal Democracy at Home and Abroad (New York: W.W. Norton, 2004).
Adrian Karatnycky, “The 1998 Freedom House Surveys: The Decline of Illiberal Democracy,” Journal of Democracy 10, 1 (1999): 112–125.
Larry Diamond, “Elections Without Democracy: Thinking about Hybrid Regimes,” Journal of Democracy 13, 2 (April 2002): 21–35.
S. Levitsky and Lucan A. Way, “The Rise of Competitive Authoritarianism,” Journal of Democracy 13, 2 (April 2002): 51–65;
Andreas Schedler, “The Menu of Manipulation,” Journal of Democracy 13, 2 (April 2002): 36–50;
Nicolas van de Walle, “Africa’s Range of Regimes,” Journal of Democracy 13, 2 (April 2002): 66–80.
Thomas Carothers, “The End of the Transition Paradigm,” Journal of Democracy 13, 1 (January 2002): 5–21.
Arch Puddington, “The 2007 Freedom House Survey: Is the Tide Turning?,” Journal of Democracy 19, 2 (April 2008): 61–73.
See also Charles Tilly, Democracy (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007), 133–137.
Pierre Hassner, “Russia’s Transition to Autocracy,” Journal of Democracy 19, 2 (April 2008): 5–15.
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© 2011 Pierre du Toit and Hennie Kotzé
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du Toit, P., Kotzé, H. (2011). Democratization, Liberalization, and Pacification. In: Liberal Democracy and Peace in South Africa. Palgrave Macmillan, New York. https://doi.org/10.1057/9780230116320_2
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