Abstract
On September 28, 1937, millions of Germans listened to the Italian Duce Mussolini when he declared at a mass rally in Berlin: “Comrades!… The rallies which have been held for my reception have deeply moved me.… I have not only come to you as head of the Italian government but also as leader of a national revolution who would like to give evidence of the overt and firm bonds [I have with] your revolution. Though the development of the two revolutions might have been different, the aim that we wish to achieve is the same: the unity and greatness of the people. Fascism and National Socialism are expressions of the sameness of the historical processes in the lives of our nations, which have achieved unity in the same century and as a result of the same events.… Tomorrow’s Europe will be Fascist as a result of the logical successions of events, not as a result of our propaganda.… Germany has woken up. The Third Reich has emerged. I do not know when Europe will wake up It is important, however, that our two great peoples, which encompass a vast and growing mass of 115 million people, are united in unshakable determination. Today’s gigantic rally conveys this to the world.”1 Although he had by no means abandoned his claims of Italian superiority in the alliance with Germany, Mussolini clearly conceived Fascism as a political challenge that was to transcend national borders.2
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Notes
In October 1936, Italy and Germany had agreed on the terms of an alliance. This Berlin-Rome Axis was to be followed by the “Pact of Steel,” which was concluded in 1939. Japan joined the alliance between Italy and Germany in 1940. See MacGregor Knox, Common Destiny: Dictatorship, Foreign Policy, and War in Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000)
Jens Petersen, Hitler-Mussolini. Die Entstehung der Achse-Rom 1933–1936 (Tübingen: Niemeyer Max Verlag, 1973)
Paul Baxa, “Capturing the Fascist Moment: Hitler’s Visit to Italy in 1938 and the Radicalization of Fascist Italy,” Journal of Contemporary History 42 (2007), pp. 227–42.
For overviews, see MacGregor Knox, “Fascism: Ideology, Foreign Policy, and War,” Adrian Lyttelton (ed.), Liberal and Fascist Italy 1900–1945 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002), pp. 105–38, at pp. 123–33
Philip Morgan, Fascism in Europe, 1919–1945 (London: Routledge, 2003), pp. 144–58.
For a review, see Robert Mallett, “The Fascist Challenge Dissected,” Historical Journal 44 (2001), pp. 859–62.
Walter Laqueur, Fascism. Past, Present, Future (New York: Oxford University Press, 1996), p. 218. For similar interpretations, see Wolfgang Schieder, “Einleitung,” idem, Faschistische Diktaturen. Studien zu Italien und Deutschland (Göttingen: Wallstein Verlag, 2008), pp. 7–28, at p. 16
Jerzy Borejsza, “Die Rivalitä t zwischen Faschismus und Nationalsozialismus in Ostmitteleuropa,” Vierteljahrshefte für Zeitgeschichte 29 (1981), pp. 579–614, esp. p. 607
Radu Ioanid, The Sword of the Archangel: Fascist Ideology in Romania (Boulder: East European Monographs, 1990), p. 190
Hans Woller, Rom, 28. Oktober 1922. Die faschistische Herausforderung (Munich: Dtv, 1999), pp. 172–73
Jerzy W. Borejsza, Schulen des Hasses. Faschistische Systeme in Europa (Frankfurt/Main: Fischer Taschenbuch Verlag, 1999), p. 267; Morgan, Fascism, p. 159.
The CAUR had been initiated by Fascist functionary Asvero Gravelli, who edited the journal Ottobre. Gravelli spearheaded a group of Fascist leaders who aspired to redefine Italian Fascism as a youthful movement that was to mobilize support throughout Europe. Directed against the new National Socialist regime, the CAUR was to spread Fascist Italy’s claim to represent a universal force of cultural renewal. Yet a conference of Fascist leaders (including Vidkun Quisling, Oswald Mosley, General Eion O’Duffy, and Marcel Bucard) in Montreux in December 1934 failed to achieve unity, largely due to different views on the importance of anti-Semitism. Neither did another meeting of Fascist leaders in Amsterdam in April 1935 arrive at binding decisions. On the CAUR, see Michael A. Ledeen, Universal Fascism. The Theory and Practice of the Fascist International, 1928–1936 (New York: Howard Fertig, 1972), esp. 104–32
Italian Fascism and Youth, in Journal of Contemporary History 4 (1969), pp. 137–54.
For methodological considerations on historical comparison and transfer studies, see Hartmut Kaelble and Jürgen Schriewer (eds.), Vergleich und Transfer. Komparatistik in den Sozial-, Geschichts- und Kulturwissenschaften (Frankfurt/Main: Campus Verlag, 2003), pp. 469–93
Jürgen Kocka, “Comparison and Beyond,” History and Theory 42 (2003), pp. 39–44.
Also see Deborah Cohen and Maura O’Connor, “Introduction: Comparative History, Cross-National History, Transnational History-Definitions,” idem (eds.), Comparison and History. Europe in Cross-National Perspective (New York: Routledge, 2004), pp. IX-XXIV
Jürgen Kocka, “Comparison and Beyond,” History and Theory 42 (2003), pp. 39–44
Shalini Randeria, “Entangled Histories of neven Modernities: Civil Society, Caste Solidarities and Legal Pluralism in Post-Colonial India,” Yehuda Elkana et al. (eds.), Unraveling Ties. From Social Cohesion to New Practices of Connectedness (Frankfurt am Main: Campus Verlag, 2002), pp. 284–311
Philipp Ther, Beyond the Nation: The Relational Basis of a Comparative History of Germany and Europe,” Central European History 36 (2003), pp. 45–73
Michael Werner/Bénédicte Zimmermann, “Beyond Comparison: Histoire Croisée and the Challenge of Reflexivity,” History and Theory 45 (2006), pp. 30–50; idem (eds.), De la comparaison à l’histoire croisée (Paris: Editions du Seuil, 2004).
For a contrary view, cf. Roger Eatwell, “Introduction: New Styles of Dictatorship and Leadership in Interwar Europe,” Totalitarian Movements and Political Religions 7 (2006), No. 2, pp. 127–37, p. 128.
Gary Love, “What’s the Big Idea?’ Oswald Mosley, the British Union of Fascists and Generic Fascism,” Journal of Contemporary History 42 (2007), pp. 447–68, at pp. 449, 455, 460, 467.
For an overview, cf. Arnd Bauerkämper, A New Consensus? Recent Research on Fascism in Europe, 1918–1945, in History Compass 4 (2006), pp. 1–31.
Transfers not systematically dealt with by Roger Eatwell, Fascism. A History (London: Allen Lane, 1995)
Kevin Passmore, Fascism. A Very Short Introduction (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002)
Robert Paxton, The Anatomy of Fascism (New York: Knopf, 2004)
Martin Blinkhorn, Fascism and the Right in Europe 1919–1945 (Harlow: Longman, 2000)
Stanley Payne, A History of Fascism 1914–1945 (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1995)
Peter Davies and Derek Lynch, The Routledge Companion to Fascism and the Far Right (London: Routledge, 2002).
See, however, the chapters in Philipp Morgan, Fascism in Europe, 1919–1945 (London: Routledge, 2003), pp. 159–89
Arnd Bauerkämper, Faschismus in Europa, 1918–1945 (Stuttgart: Reclam, 2006), pp. 166–82
Woller, 28. Oktober 1922, pp. 148–90; Borejsza, Schulen, pp. 166–82. For more explicit comparisons and transfer studies, cf. the contributions to Armin Nolzen and Sven Reichardt (eds.), Faschismus in Deutschland und Italien. Studien zu Transfer und Vergleich (Göttingen 2005).
George Orwell, The Road to Wigan Pier (London: Penguin Books, 2001 [1937]), p. 200.
Also see Dietrich Orlow, “Fascists among Themselves: Some Observations on West European Politics in the 1930s,” European Review 11 (2003), pp. 245–66, at pp. 245, 247, 250.
See, for instance, David Littlejohn, The Patriotic Traitors. A History of Collaboration in German-Occupied Europe, 1940–45 (London: Heinemann, 1972)
Hans Frederic Dahl, Quisling. A Study in Treachery (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999). Apart from its moralistic connotations, “collaboration” subsumes a multitude of motivations, political initiatives, and adaptations. As a concept of historical investigations, it is therefore of limited value.
See Tatjana Tönsmeyer, “Kollaboration als handlungsleitendes Motiv? Die slowakische Elite und das NS-Regime,” in Christoph Dieckmann/Babette Quinkert/Tatjana Tönsmeyer (eds.), Kooperation und Verbrechen. Formen der „Kollaboration” im östlichen Europa 1939–1945 (Göttingen: Wallstein Verlag, 2003), pp. 169–84, at pp. 27, 53.
Italy had suffered a humiliating defeat against Austrian and German troops at Caporetto in October 1917. At the Versailles Peace Conference, Prime Minister Vittorio Emanuele Orlando secured only minor territorial gains for Italy. By contrast, Italian revisionists like poet Gabriele D’Annunzio called for the annexation of the city of Trieste (Fiume), in particular. In 1919–1920, strikes and unrest had also been due to rising unemployment and inflation. Altogether, the political social and economic transition from war to peace largely foundered in Italy. See H. James Burgwyn, The Legend of the Mutilated Victory. Italy, the Great War and the Paris Peace Conference, 1915–1919 (Westport/Conn.: Greenwood Pub Group, 1993)
Adrian Lyttelton, The Seizure of Power. Fascism in Italy 1919–1929, second edition (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1987), pp. 42–76.
Roger Griffin, Roger, Modernism and Fascism. The Sense of a Beginning under Mussolini and Hitler (Houndmills: Palgrave Macmillan, 2007), esp. p. 215–16
Roger Eatwell, Fascism. A History (London: Chatto Windus, 1995), pp. 5, 11
Wolfgang Schieder, “Die Geburt des Faschismus aus der Krise der Moderne,” Christof Dipper (ed.), Deutschland und Italien 1860–1960. Politische und kulturelle Aspekte im Vergleich (Munich: Oldenbourg, 2005), pp. 159–79.
Richard J.B. Bosworth, “The British Press, the Conservatives, and Mussolini, 1920–34,” Journal of Contemporary History 5 (1970), pp. 163–82, at p. 173.
Peter G. Edwards, “The Foreign Office and Fascism 1924–1929,” Journal of Contemporary History 5 (1970), pp. 153–61, at p. 154 (quote).
Piero Melograni, “The Cult of the Duce in Mussolini’s Italy,” Journal of Contemporary History 11 (1976), pp. 221–37
Maria Fraddosio, “The Fallen Hero: The Myth of Mussolini and Fascist Women in the Italian Social Republic,” Journal of Contemporary History 31 (1996), pp. 99–124
Romke Visser, “Fascist Doctrine and the Cult of the Romanità,” Journal of Contemporary History 27 (1992), pp. 5–22; Davies / Lynch, Companion, p. 102. For an example, see Friedemann Scriba, Augustus im Schwarzhemd? Die Mostra Augustea della Romanità in Rom 1937/38 (Frankfurt/Main: P. Lang, 1995).
Roger Griffin, Modernism and Fascism. The Sense of a Beginning under Mussolini and Hitler (Houndmills: Palgrave Macmillan, 2007), esp. pp. 15–42, 347–60.
Also see Denis Mack Smith, Mussolini (London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 1981), p. 108: Morgan, Fascism, p. 162; Woller, Rom, pp. 59–60, 97. Corporativism as a basis of a “Fascist International” was particularly highlighted by Ugo Spirito.
See Roger Griffin (ed.), Fascism (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1995), pp. 68–69.
Luca de Caprariis, “ ‘Fascism for Export’? The Rise and Eclipse of the Fasci Italiani all’Estero,” Journal of Contemporary History 35 (2000), pp. 151–83, pp. 152–54, 159–60, 177.
For a case study, see Claudia Baldoni, Exporting Fascism: Italian Fascists and Britain’s Italians in the 1930s (Oxford: Berg, 2003), pp. 9, 27, 25, 187, idem, “Anglo-Italian Fascist Solidarity? The Shift from Italophilia to Naziphilia in the BUF,”
Julie V. Gottlieb and Thomas P. Lineham (eds.), The Culture of Fascism: Visions of the Far Right in Britain (London: I.B. Tauris, 2004), pp. 147–61, p. 148.
Kevin Passmore, From Liberalism to Fascism. The Right in a French Province, 1928–1939 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997), p. 306 (quote)
Joel Blatt, “Relatives and Rival: The Response of the Action Française to Italian Fascism, 1919–26,” European Studies Review 11 (1981), pp.263–92.
Also see Robert Soucy, French Fascism: The First Wave, 1924–1933 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1986), pp.65–66, 109; idem, French Fascism: The Second Wave 1933–1939 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1995), pp.19, 140, 148. On the British Fascisti
Richard Thurlow, Fascism in Britain. A History, 1919–1985 (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1987), pp. 51–57; Blinkhorn, Fascism, p. 60.
Thies Schulze, “Die Zukunft der Diktaturen: Der Niedergang der Diktatur Miguel Primo de Riveras aus der Perspektive des Mussolini-Regimes,” Zeitschrift für Geschichtswissenschaft 57 (2009), pp. 134–56, esp. pp. 138, 144, 153–55.
Shellagh Ellwood, Spanish Fascism in the Franco Era. Falange Española de las JONS, 1936–76 (Houndmills: St. Martin’s Press, 1987), pp. 19–21,78–79
Paul Preston, The Politics of Revenge. Fascism and the Military in Twentieth-Century Spain (London: Routledge, 1990), p. 115
Stanley Payne, “Franco, the Spanish Falange and the Institutionalisation of Mission,” Totalitarian Movements and Political Religions 7 (2006), No. 2, pp. 191–201, p. 196
Hans-Jürgen Puhle, “Autoritä re Regime in Spanien und Portugal. Zum Legitimationsbedarf der Herrschaft Francos und Salazars,” Richard Saage (ed.), Das Scheitern diktatorischer Legitimationsmuster und die Zukunftsfä higkeit der Demokratie. Festschrift Walter Euchner (Berlin: Duncker & Humblot, 1995), pp. 191–205, p. 193.
For an overview, see Stanley Payne, Fascism in Spain 1923–1977 (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1999), esp. pp. 469–79.
See Wolfgang Schieder,”Das italienische Experiment. Der Faschismus als Vorbild in der Krise der Weimarer Republik,” Historische Zeitschrift 262 (1996), pp. 73–125, p. 84.
Martin Pugh, “Hurrah for the Blackshirts!” Fascists and Fascism between the Wars (London 2005)
Karen Bayer, “How Dead is Hitler?” Der britische Starreporter Sefton Delmer und die Deutschen (Mainz: Philipp von Zabern, 2004), pp. 161–92, pp. 1 84–85.
Heinz-Gerhard Haupt, “Die Geschichte Europas als vergleichende Geschichtsschreibung,” Comparativ 14 (2004), No. 3, pp. 83–97, p. 90
Jürgen Elvert, Die europä ische Integration (Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 2006), p. 31
Ulrich Wyrwa, “Richard Nikolaus Graf Coudenhove-Kalergi (1894–1972) und die Paneuropa-Bewegung in den zwanziger Jahren,” Historische Zeitschrift 283 (2006), pp. 103–122, pp. 112, 118
Ina Ulrike Paul, “In Kontinenten denken, paneuropä isch handeln. Die Zeitschrift Paneuropa 1924–1938,” Jahrbuch für Europä ische Geschichte 5 (2004), pp. 161–92, pp. 184–85.
John R. Lampe, Balkans into Southeastern Europe. A Century of War and Transition (Houndmills: Palgrave Macmillan, 2006), p. 113; Laqueur, Fascism, p. 63.
Elke Fröhlich (ed.), Die Tagebücher von Joseph Goebbels. Sämtliche Fragmente I: Aufzeichnungen 1924–1941, Bd. 2: 1.1.1931–31.12.1936 (Munich: K.G. Saur, 1987), pp. 629–30, 632, 649
Richard Griffiths, Fellow Travellers of the Right. British Enthusiasts for Nazi Germany 1933–39 (London: Constable, 1980), pp. 104–07, 173; Bauerkämper, Die „radikale Rechte” in Groβbritannien, p. 232. On the change in the programmatic orientation of the BUF, see Claudia Baldoni, “Anglo-Italian Fascist Solidarity? The Shift from Italophilia to Naziphilia in the BUF,” Gottlieb/Lineham (eds.), Culture, pp. 147–61, 236–39.
Oswald Mosley, Tomorrow We Live (London: Steven Books, 1938), pp. 72, 75; idem., “The World Alternative: European Synthesis within the Universalism of Fascism and National Socialism,” Fascist Quarterly 2 (1936), pp. 377–95.
Rolf-Dieter Müller, An der Seite der Wehrmacht. Hitlers ausländische Helfer beim “Kreuzzug gegen den Bolschewismus” 1941–1945 (Berlin: Ch. Links Verlag, 2007), pp. 243–44.
More generally, see Wolfgang Schmale, “Visualisierungen Europas. Ein historischer Überblick,” Vrääth öhner et al. (eds.), Europa-Bilder (Innsbruck: Studienverlag, 2005), pp. 13–34, pp. 17–18
Max Bonacker, “‘Europa den Europä ern!’ Europapropaganda im NS-Rundfunk (19411944),” Rundfunk und Geschichte. Mitteilungen des Studienkreises Rundfunk und Geschichte 28 (2001), pp. 121–27. On the “Blue Division,”
see Xosé-Manoel Nüñez, “Als die spanischen Faschisten (Ost) Europa entdeckten—Zur Russlanderfahrung der ‘Blauen Division’ (1941–1944), Totalitarismus und Demokratie 3 (2006), pp. 323–44.
Tobias Delfs, Hindu-Nationalismus und europäischer Faschismus. Vergleich, Transfer- und Beziehungsgeschichte (Hamburg: Eb-Verlag, 2008), esp. p. 143.
On Bose and the Indian Legion, see Milan Hauner, India in Axis Strategy. Germany, Japan, and Indian Nationalists in the Second World War (Stuttgart: Klett-Cotta, 1981), esp. pp. 56–70, 237–58, 357–76, 592–619, 620–31.
Jeffrey Herf, The Jewish Enemy: Nazi Propaganda for the Arab World (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2009), idem., “Nazi Germany’s Propaganda Aimed at Arabs and Muslims During the Second World War and the Holocaust,” Central European History 42 (2009), pp. 709–36, esp. pp. 709, 711, 721, 726, 735.
Also see Klaus Gensicke, Der Mufti von Jerusalem und die Nationalsozialisten. Eine politische Biographie Amin el-Husseinis (Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft 2007); Klaus-Michael Mallmann/ Martin Cüppers, Halbmond und Hakenkreuz. Das Dritte Reich, die Araber und Palästina, second edition (Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 2007). In the last few months of the Second World War, the number of foreign soldiers in the German military units (army and Waffen-SS) amounted to as much as one-fifth. See Müller, Wehrmacht, p. 244.
Sandra McGee Deutsch, Las Derechas, The Extreme Right in Argentina, Brazil and Chile (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1999)
Helgio Trindade, “Fascism and Authoritarianism in Brazil under Vargas (1930–1945),” Stein Ugelvik Larsen (ed.), Fascism Outside Europe? The European Impulse against Domestic Conditions in the Diffusion of Global Fascism (Boulder: East European Monographs, 2001), pp. 469–528, esp. p. 519.
Quoted from David Rock, Authoritarian Argentina: The Nationalist Movement, Its History and Its Impact (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1993), pp. 145.
Michael E. Chapman, “Pro-Franco Anti-communism: Ellery Sedgwick and the Atlantic Monthly,” Journal of Contemporary History 41 (2006), pp. 641–62, at p. 642 (quote)
Alex Goodall, “Diverging Paths: Nazism, the National Civic Federation, and American Anticommunism, 1933–39,” Journal of Contemporary History 44 (2009), pp. 49–69, at pp. 49, 57, 68–69. As foreign Marxism and Communism seemed to contradict core values of “American civilization,” their unequivocal refutation ultimately paved the way to Joseph McCarthy’s campaign against “un-American activities” in the early 1950s.
Eckart Schörle, “Internationale der Antisemiten. Ulrich Fleischhauer und der, Eine Weltdienst,” WerkstattGeschichte 51 (2009), No. 1, pp. 57–72, at pp. 68, 70
Lorna L. Waddington, “The Anti-Comintern and Nazi Anti-Bolshevik Propaganda in the 1930s,” Journal of Contemporary History 42 (2007), pp. 573–94, at p. 590.
Norbert Götz and Kiran Klaus Patel, “Facing the Fascist Model: Discourse and the Construction of Labour Services in the USA and Sweden in the 1930s and 1940s,” Journal of Contemporary History 41 (2006), pp. 53–73
Kiran Klaus Patel, “ ‘All of This Helps Us in Planning.’ Der New Deal und die NS-Sozialpolitik,” Aust/Schönpflug (eds.), Gegner, pp. 234–52. For an overview of some other fields of selective transfer, see Wolfgang Schivelbusch, Entfernte Verwandtschaft. Faschismus, Nationalsozialismus, New Deal 1933–1939 (Frankfurt/Main: Fischer Taschenbuch Verlag, 2008).
Mike Tydesley, “The German Youth Movement and National Socialism: Some Views from Britain,” Journal of Contemporary History 41 (2006), S. 21–34
Arnd Bauerkä mper, “The Denigration of British Fascism: Traditional Anti-British Stereotypes and Claims of Superiority in Nazi Germany,” Arnd Bauerkämper and Christiane Eisenberg (eds.), Britain as a Model of Modern Society? German Views (Augsburg: Wißner-Verlag, 2006), pp. 147–67. In 1934, Lloyd George had declared that Hitler was the “best thing that had happened to Germany since Bismarck, nay since Frederic II.” Cf. Laqueur, Fascism, p. 71, Griffiths, Fellow Travellers, pp. 222–24.
Also see Schwarz, Reise, pp. 100–06, 381–92. On the Duke of Windsor’s stay in Germany, which included a visit to a concentration camp, see Charles Higham, Mrs. Simpson. Secret Lives of the Duchess of Windsor (London: Macmillan Publishers, 2005), pp. 249–62. For remarks on Delmer’s admiration, cf. Bayer, “How Dead Is Hitler?” p. 62.
Karsten Linne, “Sozialpropaganda—Die Auslandspublizistik der Deutschen Arbeitsfront 1936–1944,” Zeitschrift für Geschichtswissenschaft 57 (2009), pp. 237–54, esp. pp. 237, 243, 253–54.
On the resilience and persistence of national paradigms in historiography, see Stefan Berger, “A Return to the National Paradigm? National History Writing in Germany, Italy, France, and Britain from 1945 to the Present,” Journal of Modern History 77 (2005), pp. 629–78
Mark Donovan and Kevin Passmore (eds.), Writing National Histories. Western Europe since 1800 (London: Routledge, 1999).
Mark Mazower, Hitler’s Empire. Nazi Rule in Occupied Europe (London: Allen Lane, 2008), pp. 563–4, 566, 570–71, 574–75
Kiran Klaus Patel, “In Search of a Transnational Historicization: National Socialism and its Place in History,” Konrad H. Jarausch/Thomas Lindenberger (eds.), Conflicted Memories. Europeanizing Contemporary History (New York: Berghahn Books, 2007), pp. 96–116, atp. 97, 108, 112.
On the continuities of economic plan-ning, also see Dieter Gosewinkel, “Zwischen Diktatur und Demokratie. Wirtschaftliches Planungsdenken in Deutschland und Frankreich: Vom Ersten Weltkrieg bis zur Mitte der 1970er Jahre,” Geschichte und Gesellschaft 3 (2008), pp. 327–59, esp. pp. 337, 356–58.
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Bauerkämper, A. (2010). Interwar Fascism in Europe and Beyond: Toward a Transnational Radical Right. In: New Perspectives on the Transnational Right. Palgrave Macmillan Transnational History Series. Palgrave Macmillan, New York. https://doi.org/10.1057/9780230115521_3
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