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Social Class and Social Action

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Abstract

At the end of the 1800s, American intellectuals began a long if occasionally interrupted romance with progressive visions of democracy. For more than a century since then, scholars across the social sciences and humanities have found different aspects of progressive democratic practice extremely compelling, even though few if any of their hopes for social transformation have ever come to fruition.

Progressives … intended nothing less than to transform other Americans, to remake the nation’s feuding, polyglot population in their own middle-class image.

—Michael McGerr, A Fierce Discontent

From the beginning the American intellectual … [chose] a paradoxical vocation: a social critic committed at once to identification with the whole of the people, and an elitist whose own mores and life situation proved somewhat alienating from the very public he or she had chosen to serve.

—Leon Fink, Progressive Intellectuals and the Dilemmas of Democratic Commitment

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Notes

  1. This book contributes to an emerging line of work among historians of progressivism. See, for example, Michael McGerr, A Fierce Discontent: The Rise and Fall of the Progressive Movement in America, 1870–1920 (New York: Oxford University Press, 2005)

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  66. see also Partricia Hill Collins, Black Feminist Thought: Knowledge, Consciousness, and the Politics of Empowerment (New York: Allen and Unwin, 1990).

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  82. Ibid.; Robert B. Westbrook, John Dewey and American Democracy (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1991).

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  88. see also Walter Feinberg, Reason and Rhetoric: The Intellectual Foundations of 20th-Century Liberal Educational Policy (New York: Wiley, 1975).

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  91. Peter S. Hlebowitsh and William G. Wraga, “Social Class Analysis in the Early Progressive Tradition,” Curriculum Inquiry 25, no. 1 (1995): 7–22. In fact, one might argue that there was a veiled paternalism in the writings of Counts and later social reconstructionists when they assumed that the traditions of the working class needed to be altered by middle-class educators.

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  100. the best book for understanding the personalist perspective of the 1960s is Paul Goodman, Growing Up Absurd (New York: Vintage, 1962);

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  101. and the best book on the free schools movement is Ron Miller, Free Schools, Free People: Education and Democracy After the 1960s (Albany: State University of New York Press, 2002).

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  117. Also see Dennis Shirley, Community Organizing for Urban School Reform (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1997); and Warren, Dry Bones Rattling.

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  124. see also Ellen Condliffe Lagemann, An Elusive Science: The Troubling History of Education Research (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2000).

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  125. Tyack, One Best System; Herbert M. Kliebard, The Struggle for the American Curriculum: 1893–1958 (New York: Routledge, 1995).

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  127. James W. Fraser, Reading, Writing, and Justice: School Reform as if Democracy Matters (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1997);

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  128. David T. Sehr, Education for Public Democracy (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1997), to name a few. The point is not that no thoughtful (as opposed to hatchet job) critiques of Deweyan democracy exist. Instead, the problem is that his general vision is so deeply embedded in the psyches of educational scholars that alternatives rarely emerge.

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  129. Michael W. Apple and James A. Beane, Democratic Schools (Alexandria, VA: Association for Supervision and Curriculum Development, 1995). See Brosio, Radical Democratic Education.

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© 2010 Aaron Schutz

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Schutz, A. (2010). Social Class and Social Action. In: Social Class, Social Action, and Education. Palgrave Macmillan, New York. https://doi.org/10.1057/9780230113572_2

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