Abstract
The Laboratory School teachers worked with John Dewey to “discover … how a school could become a cooperative community while developing in individuals their own capacities and satisfying their own needs.”1 At the same time, as “investigators,”2 they were testing Dewey’s “organic circuit” theory of learning—the idea that children learn through a process of “doing and undergoing”—taking action, and reflecting on the outcome of their acts. This was, according to Katherine Camp Mayhew and Anna Camp Edwards, unprecedented; as they argued, “There was no previous school experience which had attempted to meet the psychological conditions of learning implied in the concept of the organic circuit.”3 To test the school’s “working hypotheses” while coordinating individual and social needs, Dewey argued that two factors must be considered: the first, discussed in the previous chapter, was “the establishment of the school as a form of community life.” The second, to be considered here, was “working out a definite body of subject-matter, the material of a ‘course of study.’”4
This is a preview of subscription content, log in via an institution to check access.
Access this chapter
Tax calculation will be finalised at checkout
Purchases are for personal use only
Preview
Unable to display preview. Download preview PDF.
Notes
John Dewey, Introduction to Katherine Camp Mayhew and Anna Camp Edwards, The Dewey School: The Laboratory School of the University of Chicago, 1896–1903 [1936] (New Brunswick, NJ: Aldine Transactions, 2007), xiv.
Sections of this chapter are drawn from my article on the Laboratory School: Anne Durst, “‘Venturing in Education’: Teaching at the University of Chicago’s Laboratory School, 1896–1904,” History of Education, 39, 1 (2010), 55–73.
John Dewey, “The Psychology of the Elementary Curriculum,” The Elementary School Record, I, 9 (December 1900), 222.
Mayhew and Edwards, The Dewey School, 43. Several documents from the school’s early years discuss the school and its ideas from the teacher’s standpoint and from the child’s standpoint. (See, for instance, School Plan and Notes, No. 1, The University of Chicago School, October 16, 1896, I, 1,1, held previously in the Katherine Camp Mayhew Collection at the Teachers College Library, now held at the Division of Rare and Manuscript Collections, Cornell University Library.) While I consider both standpoints, my focus in this study is on the teachers’ experiences and perspectives. In addition, my examination of the school’s curriculum will focus on the social occupations of cooking and textile work, and their connections to history and science, on the one hand, and the traditional subjects of reading, writing, and mathematics. Left out of this discussion are art and music, manual training or shop-work, Latin, French, and German, and the kindergarten or subprimary class. On the occupations, see also John Dewey, The School and Society [1899] (Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 1990).
John Dewey, “Psychology of Occupations,” The Elementary School Record, I, 3 (April 1900), 82.
On the occupations at the Laboratory School, see Herbert M. Kliebard, The Struggle for the American Curriculum, 1893–1958 (Boston, MA: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1986), 69–74.
Developmental stages of growth were not routinely considered when devising curriculum during this time. Indeed, while many twenty-first-century teachers have studied Jean Piaget’s stages of development, the Swiss psychologist was born in 1896, the year the Laboratory School opened. On Piaget in the context of American research on education, see Ellen Condliffe Lagemann, An Elusive Science: The Troubling History of Education Research (Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 2000), 173, 213.
On developmental stages in the Laboratory School, see Laurel Tanner, Dewey’s Laboratory School: Lessons for Today (New York: Teachers College Press, 1997), especially ch. 7, where she outlines Dewey’s two conceptions of developmental stages, the first of which was devised during the Laboratory School years and will be the focus of the discussion in this chapter.
See also Arthur Wirth, John Dewey as Educator: His Design for Work in Education (1894–1904) (New York: John Wiley and Sons Inc., 1966), especially ch. 8.
On teachers and decision-making at the Laboratory School, see Alan Ryan, Liberal Anxieties and Liberal Education (New York: Hill and Wang, 1998), 115–117. 9.
Frank H. Ball, “Manual Training,” The Elementary School Record, I, 7 (October 1900), 177–185. Ball was also a resident of Hull House.
Larry Cuban, How Teachers Taught: Constancy and Change in American Classrooms, 1880–1990 (New York: Teachers College Press, 1993), 37.
John Dewey, “Democracy in Education,” The Elementary School Teacher, IV, 4 (December, 1903), 200–201.
Harriet A. Farrand, “Dr. Dewey’s University Elementary School,” Journal of Education, 48, 10 (1898), 172. From the genealogical records (geneology.com), it seems that Harriet Augusta Farrand was related to teacher Georgia Farrand Bacon, who began teaching at the Laboratory School in 1897. If I have interpreted the genealogical records correctly, Harriet’s grandfather and Georgia’s mother were siblings. If the two were related, it is possible that Farrand’s review of the Laboratory School, which was very positive, may have been influenced by this connection. For John Dewey’s observations on the atmosphere of the school, see his The School and Society, 15.
John Dewey, “The Bearings of Pragmatism upon Education” [1909], in Jo Ann Boydston, ed., The Middle Works, 1899–1924, Vol. 4 (Carbondale, IL: Southern Illinois Press, 1977), 188.
Katherine Camp, “Household Occupations in Primary Grades,” Manual Training Magazine, III (October 1901), 20, 23. Camp cites John Dewey’s “The Psychology of the Elementary Curriculum.” In Dewey’s Critical Pragmatism, Alison Kadlec argues that Dewey “adopts three main psychological principles” that are very similar to those outlined by Camp.
See Alison Kadlec, Dewey’s Critical Pragmatism (Lanham, MD: Lexington Books, 2007), 22.
The stages of growth corresponded to the groups at the Laboratory School. They were as follows: First stage, Groups I, II, and III (ages 4–6); Transition stage, Groups IV and V (ages 7–8); Second stage, Groups VIII, VI, VII (ages 9–10); Transition stage, Groups VIII and IX (ages 11–12); and Third stage, Groups X and XI (ages 13–15). See Mayhew and Edwards, The Dewey School, 55. See also John Dewey, “Reflective Attention,” The Elementary School Record, I, 4 (May 1900), 111–113.
Ibid., 43. On occupations in the Laboratory School, see James Scott Johnston, Inquiry and Education: John Dewey and the Quest for Democracy (Albany, NY: SUNY Press, 2006), especially ch. 4; Tanner, Dewey’s Laboratory School, especially ch. 4; and Wirth, John Dewey as Educator, especially ch. 9.
John Dewey, “The Place of Manual Training in the Elementary Course of Study,” Manual Training Magazine, 11, 4 (July 1901), 198. Mayhew and Edwards borrow closely from this text in The Dewey School, 310.
Althea Harmer, “Textile Work Connected with American Colonial History,” The Elementary School Teacher, IV, 9 (May 1904), 671–672.
Katherine Camp, “The Place of General Ideas as Controlling Factors,” The Elementary School Teacher, IV, 6 (February 1904), 381.
Katherine Camp, “Science in Elementary Education,” Elementary School Record, I, 6 (1900), 166.
Katherine Camp, “Elementary Science Teaching in the Laboratory School,” I, The Elementary School Teacher, III, 10 (June 1903), 661–662.
Robert Westbrook, Democratic Hope: Pragmatism and the Politics of Truth (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2005), 26. Westbrook is discussing Charles Peirce here.
See Kim Tolley, The Science Education of American Girls: A Historical Perspective (New York: Routledge Falmer, 2003).
Katherine Camp, “Elementary Science Teaching in the Laboratory School,” II, The Elementary School Teacher, IV, 1(September 1903), 7–8.
Katharine Andrews, “Experiments in Plant Physiology,” The Elementary School Record, I, 4 (May 1900), 107.
John Dewey, “Reflective Attention,” The Elementary School Record, I, 4 (May 1900), 113.
John Dewey, “The Place of Manual Training,” Manual Training Magazine, II, 4 (July 1901), 198. See also Dewey’s chapter on “The Aim of History in Elementary Education” in his The School and Society.
Laura Runyon, “Elementary History Teaching in the Laboratory School,” II, The Elementary School Teacher, IV, 1 (September 1903), 36. Text very close to this, yet undocumented, appears in Mayhew and Edwards, The Dewey School, 317.
Sam Wineburg, Historical Thinking and Other Unnatural Acts (Philadelphia, PA: Temple University Press, 2001).
Laura Runyon, “Elementary History in the Laboratory School,” I, The Elementary School Teacher, III, 10 (June 1903), 694, 698.
Georgia Bacon, “History,” The Elementary School Record, I, 8 (November 1900), 206.
Mary Hill to Gerard Swope, May 3, 1900, Mary Hill Swope Papers, 1899–1933, box 2, folder 15, University of Illinois at Chicago Library, Special Collections. On Jane Addams’s notion of “sympathetic knowledge,” see Maurice Hamington, The Social Philosophy of Jane Addams (Chicago, IL: University of Illinois Press, 2009), ch. 4;
and Charlene Haddock Seigfried, Pragmatism and Feminism: Reweaving the Social Fabric (Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 1996), 200.
Laura Runyon, “The Teaching of Elementary History in the Dewey School” (Unpublished Master’s thesis, University of Chicago, 1906), 55.
Anna Camp to family, January 28, 1899, box 9, Camp Family Collection (891), Division of Rare and Manuscript Collections, Cornell University Library. On imperialism in the cultural history of this era, see Jackson Lears, Rebirth of a Nation: The Making of Modern America, 1877–1920 (New York: Harper Collins, 2009).
Josephine Crane Bradley, as quoted in Mayhew and Edwards, The Dewey School, 405. The clubhouse is discussed in Irene Hall, “The Unsung Partner: The Educational Work and Philosophy of Alice Chipman Dewey,” unpublished dissertation, Harvard University, 2005, 90.
Althea Harmer, “Textile Industries,” The Elementary School Record, I, 3 (April 1900), 79.
Althea Harmer, “Introduction to the Primitive Textile Work in the Laboratory School,” The Elementary School Teacher, III, 10 (June 1903), 712.
Althea Harmer, “Elementary Cooking in the Laboratory School,” The Elementary School Teacher, III, 10 (June 1903), 706.
See Dewey, The School and Society, 112–113; and Mayhew and Edwards, The Dewey School, 381. See also Herbert M. Kliebard, The Struggle for the American Curriculum, 1893–1958 (Boston, MA: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1986), 77–79.
Althea Harmer, “Basketry,” The Elementary School Teacher, IV, 1 (September 1903), 119.
John Dewey, “School Reports, A. General principle of work, educationally considered,” The Elementary School Record, I, 1 (February 1900), 14–15.
Chapter 5
Mary Hill to Gerard Swope, November 8 [likely 1900], Mary Hill Swope Papers, 1899–1933, box 1, folder 10, University of Illinois at Chicago Library, Special Collections. Similarly, in 1896, University of Chicago sociologist Albion Small wrote, “Action, not speculation, is the supreme teacher.” See Louis Menand, The Metaphysical Club (New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 2001), 305.
For a recent discussion of pragmatism and experience, see John Jacob Kaag, “Pragmatism and the lessons of experience,” Daedalus, 138, 2 (Spring 2009), 63–72.
Alice Hamilton to Agnes Hamilton, [June/July 1902], Hamilton Family Papers, Schlesinger Library, Radcliffe Institute for Advanced Study. This letter is included in Barbara Sicherman, ed., Alice Hamilton: A Life in Letters (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1984), 142–144.
She went on to tell Agnes about her relief at having found a job that enabled her to feel certain that she could “always earn my living.” See also Sicherman’s “Working It Out: Gender, Profession, and Reform in the Career of Alice Hamilton,” in Noralee Frankel and Nancy S. Dye, eds., Gender, Class, Race, and Reform in the Progressive Era (Lexington, KY: University Press of Kentucky, 1991), 127–147.
William James, Pragmatism [1907] (New York: Meridian Books, 1964), 167.
Elizabeth Francis Camp to Anna Camp, February 10, 1902, box 53, Edwards Family Collection (1484), Division of Rare and Manuscript Collections, Cornell University Library. On these material transformations, see Thomas J. Schlereth, Victorian America: Transformations in Everyday Life, 1876–1915 (New York: Harper Perennial, 1991).
Robert Wiebe, The Search for Order, 1877–1920 (New York: Hill and Wang, 1967).
On the Progressive Era, see also Kevin Mattson, Creating a Democratic Public: the Struggle for Urban Participatory Democracy During the Progressive Era (University Park, PA: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1998);
Michael McGerr, A Fierce Discontent: The Rise and Fall of the Progressive Movement in America, 1870–1920 (New York: Free Press, 2003);
and Daniel T. Rodgers, Atlantic Crossings: Social Politics in a Progressive Age (Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press, 1998). Of the Progressive Era, Rodgers argues that Americans “did not swim in problems–not more so, at any rate, than Americans who lived through the simultaneous collapse of the economy and the post–Civil War racial settlement in the 1870s. It would be more accurate to say that they swam in a sudden abundance of solutions, a vast number of them brought over through the Atlantic connection” (6–7).
Bertha Johnston, “Social Settlement Life in Chicago: Some Phases of the Daily Work at Hull House, Chicago Commons, University Settlement,” Kindergarten Magazine, 13, 7 (March 1901), 384.
Robert G. Spinney, City of Big Shoulders: A History of Chicago (DeKalb, IL: Northern Illinois University, 2000), 128. This figure represents those Chicagoans who were born outside of the United States. Other histories of the city report an immigrant population of 60 percent at this time; it is likely that this refers to the foreign-born and their children. See Menand, The Metaphysical Club, 308.
William Reese, The Power and the Promise of School Reform (Boston, MA: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1986).
See also Robin Bachin, Building the South Side: Urban Space and Civic Culture in Chicago, 1890–1919 (Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 2004). In her study of Chicago’s South Side, Bachin examines “how various groups sought to establish cultural legitimacy and authority” (6).
On the “pragmatist notion of experimentation,” see Charlene Haddock Seigfried, Pragmatism and Feminism: Reweaving the Social Fabric (Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 1996), 196.
Ella Lyman Cabot, Volunteer Help to the Schools (New York: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1914), 33.
Helen C. Putnam, “Vacation Schools,” The Forum, 30 (December 1900), 492.
Jane Addams, Twenty Years at Hull-House [1910] (New York: Signet Classics, 1961), 83. As Dewey biographer Alan Ryan writes in a review of Citizen, Louise Knight’s biography of Jane Addams, “Whether by accident or design, [Addams] turned [Hull House] into the center of more social, cultural, and political experiments than it is easy to describe.” See Alan Ryan, “Founding Mother,” New York Review of Books, 53, 8 (May 11, 2006) (downloaded version).
Hilda Satt Polacheck, I Came a Stranger: The Story of a Hull-House Girl (Chicago, IL: University of Illinois Press, 1989), 74.
See Jean Bethke Elshtain, “A Return to Hull-House,” introductory essay to her edited collection, The Jane Addams Reader (New York: Basic Books, 2002);
and Ellen Condliffe Lagemann, “Jane Addams: An Educational Biography,” introductory essay to her edited collection, Jane Addams on Education (New York: Teachers College Press, 1985), 1.
Jackson Lears, Rebirth of a Nation: The Making of Modern America, 1877–1920 (New York: Harper Collins Publishers, 2009), 225–226.
On this era, see also John Higham, “The Reorientation of American Culture in the 1890s,” in John Higham, ed., Writing American History: Essays on Modern Scholarship (Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press, 1970), 73–102.
Lloyd Morris, Postscript to Yesterday; America: The Last Fifty Years (New York: Random House, 1947), 41.
See Jeanne Madeline Weimann, The Fair Women (Chicago, IL: Academy Chicago, 1981) on women’s contributions to the World’s Columbian Exposition and on the controversy over the exclusion of black women from the Board of Lady Managers and the response of the African-American reformer Ida Wells Barnett.
On Chicago history, see Perry R. Duis, Challenging Chicago: Coping with Everyday Life, 1837–1920 (Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 1998);
Donald L. Miller, City of the Century: The Epic of Chicago and the Making of America (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1996);
Dominic A. Pacyga, Chicago: A Biography (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2009); and Spinney, City of Big Shoulders. While the World’s Fair did promote a sense of optimism, it occurred during the depression years of the mid-1890s, and the workers who had jobs during the fair were left stranded and unemployed in Chicago after the fair and its buildings were dismantled. On this dynamic, see Lears, Rebirth of a Nation, ch. 5.
Jane Addams, “A Toast to John Dewey,” Survey, 63 (1929), 203.
On the mutual influence of Addams and Dewey upon each other, see Christopher Lasch, ed., The Social Thought of Jane Addams (New York: Bobbs-Merrill Company, 1965), 176; and Seigfried, Pragmatism and Feminism.
On Hull House, see the following works by Jane Addams: Twenty Years at Hull-House; Democracy and Social Ethics [1902] (Chicago, IL: University of Illinois Press, 2002); My Friend, Julia Lathrop [1935] (Chicago, IL: University of Illinois Press, 2004).
See also Mary Jo Deegan, Jane Addams and the Men of the Chicago School, 1892–1918 (New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Books, 1988);
John C. Farrell, Beloved Lady: A History of Jane Addams’ Ideas on Reform and Peace (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1967); J. David Greenstone, “Dorothea Dix and Jane Addams: From Transcendentalism to Pragmatism in American Social Reform,” Social Service Review (December 1979), 527–559;
Louise Knight, Citizen: Jane Addams and the Struggle for Democracy (Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 2005); Lagemann, ed., Jane Addams on Education; Louis Menand, The Metaphysical Club;
Dorothy Ross, “Gendered Social Knowledge: Domestic Discourse, Jane Addams, and the Possibilities of Social Science,” in Helene Silverberg, ed., Gender and American Social Science: The Formative Years (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1998), 235–264; Seigfried, Pragmatism and Feminism;
and Kathryn Kish Sklar, “Hull House in the 1890s: A Community of Women Reformers,” Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society, 10, 4 (1985), 658–677.
Alice Hamilton, “Jane Addams of Hull-House, Chicago,” Social Service: A Quarterly Survey, 27, 1 (June–August 1953), 12–13.
John Dewey to Jane Addams, January 19, 1896, Jane Addams MSS, as quoted in Lasch, ed., The Social Thought of Jane Addams, 176. See also Robert Westbrook, John Dewey and American Democracy (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1991), 89.
On “A Modern Lear,” see also Louise Knight, “Biography’s Window on Social Change: Benevolence and Justice in Jane Addams’s ‘A Modern Lear,’” Journal of Women’s History, 9, 1 (Spring 1997), 111–138.
Addams wrote further of what called the “noble fibres” in each person. In modern society, Addams argued, “to pull these many fibres, fragile, impalpable and constantly breaking as they are, into one impulse, to develop that mere impulse through its feeble and tentative stages into action, is no easy task, but lateral progress is impossible without it.” See Addams, “A Modern Lear,” in Elshtain, The Jane Addams, 176. See also Lagemann, Jane Addams on Education, 2–3. On Addams’s idea of “lateral progress,” see Maurice Hamington, The Social Philosophy of Jane Addams (Chicago, IL: University of Illinois Press, 2009), 43–47.
John Dewey quoted in Katherine Camp Mayhew and Anna Camp Edwards, The Dewey School: The Laboratory School of the University of Chicago, 1896–1903 [1936] (New Brunswick, NJ: Aldine Transactions, 2007), 473.
Hull-House Maps and Papers: A Presentation of Nationalities and Wages in a Congested District of Chicago, Together with Comments and Essays on Problems Growing Out of the Social Conditions, By the Residents of Hull-House, a Social Settlement (Chicago, IL: University of Illinois Press, 2007), first published 1895. On this groundbreaking study, see Rima Lunin Schultz, “Introduction to Hull-House Maps and Papers,” 2007 edition; and Kathryn Kish Sklar, “Hull-House Maps and Papers: Social Science as Women’s Work in the 1890s,” in Silverberg, Gender and American Social Science, 127–155.
At this time, few historians were pursuing research in the field of social history; a number of those who were doing so were women. On women pursuing studies of social history, see Julie Des Jardins, Women and the Historical Enterprise in America: Gender, Race, and the Politics of Memory, 1880–1945 (Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 2003);
and Ellen Fitzpatrick, History’s Memory: Writing America’s Past, 1880–1980 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2002).
See John Dewey, The School and Society [1899] (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1990), 22.
Althea Harmer, “Basketry,” The Elementary School Teacher, IV, 1 (September 1903), 119.
Althea Harmer, “Textile Work Connected with American Colonial History,” The Elementary School Teacher, IV, 9 (May 1904), 670–671.
Addams, Twenty Years, 156–157. On the Labor Museum as an “applied experiment,” see Mary Jo Deegan, “Play from the Perspective of George Herbert Mead,” Introduction to George Herbert Mead’s Play, School, and Society (New York: Peter Lang, 2001), lxxviii.
John Dewey, “The School as Social Center,” Elementary School Teacher, III, 2 (October 1902), 78–79.
See Hamington, The Social Philosophy of Jane Addams, 160. Hamington points out that in No Place of Grace, the historian Jackson Lears is critical of the Labor Museum for its promotion of a “therapeutic approach” to industrial work. Hamington maintains that “Lears’s critique would be appropriate if the Labor Museum were removed from its multifaceted theoretical context,” which included “programs on ‘trade unionism’ and histories of collective worker activities” (160). See T. J. Jackson Lears, No Place of Grace: Anti-modernism and the Transformation of American Culture, 1880–1920 (New York: Pantheon Books, 1981), 80. On Dewey and industrial democracy, see Westbrook, John Dewey and American Democracy, 178–179.
Frederick Taylor’s classic work is The Scientific Principles of Management (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1911). On the influence of Taylor on schools, see Herbert M. Kliebard, The Struggle for the American Curriculum, 1893–1958 (Boston, MA: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1986), 94–97. See also Westbrook, John Dewey and American Democracy, 185–189.
John Dewey, “Democracy in Education.” The Elementary School Teacher, IV, 4 (December, 1903), 193.
John Dewey, “Psychology of Occupations,” Elementary School Record, I, 3 (April 1900), 83.
On Anita McCormick Blaine, see Gilbert A. Harrison, A Timeless Affair: The Life of Anita McCormick Blaine (Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 1979).
Mary Hill to Gerard Swope, May 15, 1900, Mary Hill Swope Papers, 1899–1933, box 2, folder 15, University of Illinois at Chicago Library, Special Collections. Camp spoke on correlation; see John Dewey, “My Pedagogic Creed” [1897], in Jo Ann Boydston, ed., John Dewey: The Early Works, 1882–1898, Vol. 5 (Carbondale, IL: Southern Illinois University Press, 1972), 84–95.
On George Herbert Mead’s involvement in the Physiological School, see Deegan, Jane Addams and the Men of the Chicago School, 111–112; and Mary Jo Deegan and John S. Burger, “George Herbert Mead and Social Reform: His Work and Writings,” in Peter Hamilton, ed., George Herbert Mead: Critical Assessments, Volume 1 (New York: Routledge, 1992), 171–183.
Reese, The Power and the Promise, xxi. On vacation schools, see his ch. 6. See also F. Spencer Baldwin, “Boston Vacation Schools,” The School Journal, 65, 5 (August 16, 1902), 108–110;
Ella Lyman Cabot, Volunteer Help; Kenneth Gold, “From Vacation School to Summer School,” History of Education Quarterly, 42, 1 (Spring 2002), 18–49;
and Clarence Perry, Wider Use of the School Plant (New York: Russell Sage Foundation, 1910).
D.J. Milliken, “Chicago Vacation Schools”, American Journal of Sociology, IV, 3 (November 1898), 305.
On the Chautauqua Institution, see Andrew C. Rieser, The Chautauqua Moment: Protestants, Progressives, and the Culture of Modern Liberalism (New York: Columbia University Press, 2003). On William James’s reaction, see 216–217.
See Cornelia James Cannon, “The History of the Women’s Educational and Industrial Union: A Civic Laboratory,” 1927, held in the Women’s Educational and Industrial Union Collection, Schlesinger
Library, Radcliffe Institute for Advanced Study. On the WEIU see also Sarah Deutsch, Women and the City: Gender, Space, and Power in Boston, 1870–1940 (New York: Oxford University Press, 2000).
Sarah Stage, “Ellen Richards and the Social Significance of the Home Economics Movement,” in Sarah Stage and Virginia B. Vincenti, eds., Rethinking Home Economics: Women and the History of a Profession (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1997), 27.
On Richards, see also Caroline Hunt, The Life of Ellen H. Richards (Boston, MA: Whitcomb and Barrows, 1912).
Detlev Bronk, “Marine Biological Laboratory: Origins and Patrons,” Science, 189 (August 22, 1975). 613–614.
See also Margaret Rossiter, Women Scientists in America: Struggles and Strategies to 1940 (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1982), 86–88.
See June Edwards, Women in American Education, 1820–1955: The Female Force and Educational Reform (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 2002), ch. 4, “Ellen Swallow Richards: Science Education for School, Home and Society.”
Anna Camp to Elizabeth Francis Camp, June 21, 1903, box 9, Camp Family Collection (891), all located in the Division of Rare and Manuscript Collections, Cornell University Library. Katherine Camp was in Woods Hole for all the above summers (1899, 1902, 1903); the letters verify that Althea Harmer was there in 1899, though she may have accompanied Camp during the other summers as well. According to the MBL records, Katherine Camp enrolled officially in 1899 and 1902; Althea Harmer did not enroll in either of these years. Email correspondence with Diane Rielinger, Records Manager/Archivist, MBL. On Woods Hole, see Frank R. Lillie, The Woods Hole Marine Biological Laboratory (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1944);
David Hapgood, Charles R. Crane: The Man Who Bet on People (USA: Institute of World Affairs, 2000), 26;
Jane Maienschein, 100 Years Exploring Life, 1888–1988 (Boston: Jones and Bartlett Publishers, 1989);
and Philip J. Pauly, Controlling Life: Jacques Loeb and the Engineering Ideal in Biology (New York: Oxford University Press, 1987), 75.
George Dykhuizen’s notes from George Herbert Mead’s 1926 seminar on John Dewey, 19, box 7, George Herbert Mead Collection, Special Collections, Regenstein Library, University of Chicago. The text under discussion was John Dewey’s Experience and Nature (Chicago: Open Court Publishing, 1926), 157.
Katherine Camp to Elizabeth Francis Camp, [1901?], box 9, Camp Family Collection (891), Rare and Manuscript Collections, Cornell University Library. On Loeb, see Mayhew and Edwards, The Dewey School, 10. See also Philip J. Pauly, Controlling Life: Jacques Loeb and the Engineering Ideal in Biology (New York: Oxford University Press, 1987).
Robert Westbrook, Democratic Hope: Pragmatism and the Politics of Truth (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2005), 34.
Copyright information
© 2010 Anne Durst
About this chapter
Cite this chapter
Durst, A. (2010). Teachers as Researchers: Developing a Course of Study. In: Women Educators in the Progressive Era. Palgrave Macmillan, New York. https://doi.org/10.1057/9780230109957_5
Download citation
DOI: https://doi.org/10.1057/9780230109957_5
Publisher Name: Palgrave Macmillan, New York
Print ISBN: 978-1-349-37654-4
Online ISBN: 978-0-230-10995-7
eBook Packages: Palgrave Education CollectionEducation (R0)