Abstract
Since the time of the New Deal period, the U.S. government has experimented with economic development and social welfare strategies and programs molded by liberals and conservatives and embodied in the policies and politics of both major parties. Presumably these policies provide spillover, or trickle-down, benefits that can improve the living conditions for people of color and their neighborhoods. Given continuing social and economic crisis facing relatively large sectors of blacks and Latinos in urban locations, apparently the approaches of both liberals and con-servatives have been inadequate for many people and families in these groups.1
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Notes
For examples and critiques of both liberal and conservative responses to social and urban issues, see the two volumes edited by James Jennings, Race, Politics, and Economic Development: Community Perspectives (London: Verso Press, 1992)
See, for example, the following essays describing black public opinion on a range of issues: Robert Smith and Richard Seltzer, Race, Class, and Culture (New York: State University of New York Press, 1992)
Michael C. Dawson, Riaz Khan, and John Baughman, “Black Discontent”: The Pinal Report on the 1993–1994 National Black Politics Study, Working Paper no. 1 (Chicago: University of Chicago, Center for the Study of Race, Politics, and Culture, 1996)
Martin Carnoy, Faded Dreams (London: Cambridge University Press, 1994).
Stan Faryna, Brad Stetson, and Joseph G. Conti, eds., Black and Right: The Bold New Voice of Black Conservatives in America (Westport, CT: Praeger Publishers, 1997)
Michael C. Dawson, Behind the Mule: Race and Class in African-American Politics (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1994)
Ronald W Walters and Robert C. Smith, African American Leadership (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1999)
See, for example, Douglas S. Massey and Nancy A. Denton, American Apartheid: Segregation and the Making of the Underclass (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1993)
See Gerald D. Jaynes and Robin M. Williams, Jr., eds., A Common Destiny: Blacks and American Society (Washington, D.C.: National Academy Press, 1989)
Wornie L. Reed, Assessment of the Status of African Americans, Vols. 1–5 (Boston: W M. Trotter Institute, 1992).
For an overview of these various ideologies and strategic perspectives, see Howard Brotz, ed., Negro Social and Political Thought, 1850–1920 (New York: Basic Books, 1966)
Charles V Hamilton, Black Political Thought (New York: Capricorn Books, 1973).
Harold Cruse, Plural, but Equal: Blacks and Minorities in America’s Plural Society (New York: Morrow and Co., 1987).
Hanes Walton, Jr., “Social Policy: The Politics of Disappearances”, Black Scholar, 27(3/4) (1997): p.73.
Stephanie M. Wildman, Privilege Revealed: How Invisible Preference Undermines America (New York: New York University Press, 1996).
Vincent P Franklin, Black Self-Determination (Brooklyn: Lawrence Hill Books, 1992).
John Hope Franklin and Eleanor Holmes Norton, Black Initiative and Governmental Responsibility (Washington, DC: Joint Center for Political and Economic Studies, 1987), p. 40.
Philip S. Foner and George E. Walker, eds., Proceedings of the Black State Conventions, 1840–1865, Vols. 1 and 2 (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1979–1980)
Philip S. Foner and George E. Walker, eds., Proceedings of the Black National and State Conventions, 1865–1900 (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1986).
See the classic example and application of this argument as reflected in many later works by neoconservative writers in Edward C. Banfield, The Unheavenly City (Boston: Little, Brown, and Co., 1973).
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© 2002 Gayle T. Tate and Lewis A. Randolph
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Jennings, J. (2002). Beyond Black Neoconservatism and Black Liberalism. In: Tate, G.T., Randolph, L.A. (eds) Dimensions of Black Conservatism in the United States. Palgrave Macmillan, New York. https://doi.org/10.1057/9780230108158_13
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1057/9780230108158_13
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