Abstract
Four or five hundred years ago, the people of England became convinced that an aggressive, evil, supernatural force was active among them. It was visibly damaging traditional social relations and disrupting the ways of life to which people had long grown accustomed. It was also perceived to be working within the individual psyche, causing epidemic melancholy and madness, and producing selfish, antisocial patterns of thought and behavior. Sixteenth- and seventeenth-century literature and theology often personified this power, imagining it as a perverted humanoid bent on malicious destruction. This is the era of the witch hunts, in which the power of “Satan” was assumed to be tirelessly at work, aggressively soliciting entry to the minds of individuals. The people of early modern England loathed and feared this power with all their being, but the reasons for their hatred and terror may not be immediately obvious to us. For the real object of their horrified revulsion was a power that has become intimately familiar today, and it is so well known to us that it is widely accepted, even greeted as a friend. What the people of Renaissance England feared was the efficacious power of signs. This chapter will examine their shock and dismay as they first began to acknowledge the rise of that power.
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Notes
Jean-Christophe Agnew, Worlds Apart: The Market and Theater in Anglo-American Thought, 1550–1750 (Cambridge UP, 1986), 9.
See J.L. Austin, How to Do Things with Words (Oxford UP, 1976).
See Peter Geschiere, The Modernity of Witchcraft (Charlottesville: U of Virginia P, 1997),
and Jean and John Comaroff (eds.), Modernity and Its Malcontents: Ritual and Power in Postcolonial Africa (U of Chicago P, 1993).
Building upon the work done by Michael Taussig in The Devil and Commodity Fetishism in South America (U of North Carolina P, 1993), these books argue for connections between the resurgence of witch beliefs in the postcolonial world and the rise of globalized finance-based capital.
Friedrich Hayek, The Fatal Conceit: The Errors of Socialism (U of Chicago P, 1988), 91.
Niall Ferguson, The Ascent of Money: A Financial History of the World (London: Penguin, 2008), 342.
See Margorie K. McIntosh, “Money Lending on the Periphery of London, 1300–1600,” Albion: A Quarterly Journal Concerned with British Studies 20.4 (Winter, 1988): 557–71.
R.H. Tawney, “Introduction” to Thomas Wilson, A Discourse on Usury, R.H. Tawney (ed.) (London: Frank Cass, 1962), 21–2.
Raymond de Roover, Gresham on Foreign Exchange: An Essay on Early English Mercantilism (Harvard UP, 1949), 258.
On the sin of avarice, see Richard Newhauser, The Early History of Greed: The Sin of Avarice in Early Medieval Thought and Literature (Cambridge UP, 2000)
Francis Bacon, “On Usury,” The Essays (London: Penguin, 1986), 121. Subsequent references will be to this edition.
Thomas Dekker, News from Hell in The Non-Dramatic Works of Thomas Dekker vol. II, Alexander Grosart (ed.) (The Huth Library, 1885), 138.
Robert Wilson, The Three Ladies of London, Lloyd Edward Kermode (ed.), The Renaissance Usury Plays (Manchester: Manchester UP, 2009). Subsequent references will be to this edition.
Thomas Nashe, Christ’s Teares over Jerusalem (1613), 97. Early English Books Online. Arizona State University Library. September 23, 2009.
On the concept of creditworthiness, see Alexandra Shepard, “Manhood, Credit and Patriarchy in Early Modern England 1580–1640,” Past and Present 167 (May 2000): 75–106.
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© 2010 David Hawkes
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Hawkes, D. (2010). “Howe is the Worlde Chaunged”: The Emergence of Usury. In: The Culture of Usury in Renaissance England. Palgrave Macmillan, New York. https://doi.org/10.1057/9780230107663_2
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1057/9780230107663_2
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