Abstract
Since the days of Thucydides, the Western mind was trained in the distinction between two “ways of talking”: the mythical/fictional, in which (to give an example closer to our time) Sherlock Holmes lived in Baker Street, and the historical/truthful, in which he did not exist.1 In traditional China, the cultural prestige of history (shi) was always above that of fiction (wen), but the borders between these two “ways of talking” were far from clear. Comparing Thucydides (460-400 BC) with the Qing-dynasty historian Zhang Xuecheng (1738–1801), Anthony Yu concluded that Zhang lacked the Greek’s understanding of the inevitable subjectivity in the writing of history, hence of the gap between the word and the event. Two millennia later, Zhang saw as “events” what were manifestly “words”: ancient Chinese accounts of the Yellow Emperor were no more reliable than the Greek myths from which Thucydides wished to distinguish his own writing.
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Notes
See Bernard Williams, Truth and Truthfulness: An Essay in Genealogy (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2002), pp. 168–69.
Anthony C. Yu, “History, Fiction and the Reading of Chinese Narrative”, Chinese Literature Essays, Articles, Reviews, vol. 10, nos. 1–2 (1988), p. 8.
D. H. Green, The Beginnings of Medieval Romance: Fact and Fiction, 1150— 1220 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002)
Leo Ou-fan Lee, “Lin Shu and His Translations: Western Fiction in Chinese Perspective”, Papers on China, vol. 19 (1965), p. 163
Zou Zhenhuan, 20 shiji Shanghai fanyi chubanyuwenhua bianqian (Naiming: Guangxi jiaoyu chubanshe, 2000), p. 172.
Li HsÌao-t’Ì, “Making a Name and a Culture for the Masses in Modern China”, Positions, vol. 9, no. 1 (spring 2001), pp. 35
James E. Sheridan, Chinese Warlord: The Career of Feng Yü-hsiang (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1966), pp. 87–9.
Cf. Chang-tai Hung, “The Politics of Songs: Myths and Symbols in the Chinese Communist War Music, 1937–1949”, Modern Asian Studies, vol. 30, no. 4 (1996), pp. 916
Peng Ming, Istoriia kitaisko-sovetskoi druzhby (Moscow: Iz-vo sotsial’no-ekonomicheskoi hteratury, 1959
Yan Shoucheng, “Signifying Scriptures in Confucianism”, in Vincent L. Wimbush, ed., Theorizing Scriptures: New Critical Orientations to a Cultural Phenomenon (New Brunswick, NJ, and London: Rutgers University Press, 2008), at p. 78
See John Keegan, The Face of Battle (New York: Penguin Books, 1976), p. 274
Alan Patten, “The Humanist Roots of Linguistic Nationalism”, History of Political Thought, vol. 27, no. 2 (summer 2006), quoting pp. 228
Yang Sao, “Zuíchu he waiguo wenxue jiechu shí zai Ríben”, in Zheng Zhenduo and Fu Donghua, eds., Wo yu wenxue (Shanghai: Shanghai shudian, 1934), pp. 142–43.
Cf., for two very different perspectives on this connection between language and political terror, Cheng-chíh Wang, Words Kill: Calling for the Destruction of “Class Enemies” in China, 1949–1953 (New York and London: Routledge, 2002)
Igal Halfin, Intimate Enemies: Demonizing the Bolshevik Opposition, 1918–1928 (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 2007)
W J. F. Jenner, The Tyranny of History: The Roots of China’s Crisis, 2nd ed. (Harmondsworth: Penguin Books, 1994), pp. 216–17.
Li Zhensheng, Red-color News Soldier (London: Phaidon Press, 2003), p. 179
Joseph Brodsky, “Uncommon Visage. The Nobel Lecture” (trans. Barry Rubin), in idem, On Grief and Reason: Essays (Harmondsworth: Penguin Books, 1997), pp. 46–7.
Gao Xingjian, “The Case for Literature”, Nobel Lecture, now in idem, trans. Mabel Lee, The Case for Literature (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2007), pp. 32–48.
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© 2010 Mark Gamsa
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Gamsa, M. (2010). Soviet Socialist Realism as a Manual of Practice. In: The Reading of Russian Literature in China. Palgrave Studies in Cultural and Intellectual History. Palgrave Macmillan, New York. https://doi.org/10.1057/9780230106819_5
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