Abstract
Unlike the other cases in this book, Suharto’s New Order regime severely restricted political participation while attempting to ensure law and order and providing a high level of education and poverty relief. Thus, this case presents an alternative strategy and begs the question of whether participation really matters. If states seek to positively influence Islamist group mobilization strategies, does effectiveness matter more than institutional inclusion? Are Islamist groups that eschew violence only responding to material and coercive incentives? This chapter highlights the shortcomings of the effective authoritarian model, the importance of political access, and the consequences of limiting political participation.
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Notes
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Statistics provided by Education Management Information Systems (EMIS). Yunanto, S., and Badrudin, Harun, “Terminology, History, and Categorization,” in Islamic Education in South and Southeast Asia: Diversity, Problems and Strategy, eds. S. Yunanto et al (Jakarta: Ridep Institute, 2007), 30. Other organizations such as the DDII, the LDI, and Persis also ran smaller networks of Islamic boarding schools, to supplement state efforts. However, these groups account for .43 percent, .18 percent, and.50 percent, respectively, and thus do not play a significant supplemental role compared to NU or Muhammadiyah.
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© 2009 Julie Chernov Hwang
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Hwang, J.C. (2009). Does Participation Matter? Effective Authoritarianism in New Order Indonesia. In: Peaceful Islamist Mobilization in the Muslim World. Palgrave Macmillan, New York. https://doi.org/10.1057/9780230100114_3
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1057/9780230100114_3
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