Abstract
Following its unconditional surrender Japan lost control over its foreign trade to SCAP. Such scrutiny, in addition to the disjunction caused by World War II, brought Japanese trade with China and the Soviet Union to a virtual standstill. A slightly more liberal trading regime appeared from 1947 onwards with the beginnings of the ‘reverse course’. As late as March 1949, official US policy still aimed to ‘augment, through permitting restoration of ordinary economic relations with China, such forces as might operate to bring about serious rifts between Moscow and a Chinese Communist regime.’1 Just two months later, however, Washington extended US export controls to include China—albeit less severe than those imposed on the Soviet Union—and General Headquarters in Tokyo applied these to Sino-Japanese trade.2
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Notes
NSC 41, ‘US Policy Regarding Trade with China, FRUS, 1949 IX: 826–34. 2 Yasuhara Yoko, ‘Japan, Communist China, and Export Controls in Asia, 1948–52’ Journal of Diplomatic History (winter 1986): 81–2. 3 Nihon Times (4 Feb. 1949). 4 William Costello, ‘Could Japan go Communist?’ Nation (14 May 1949): 534. 5 Michael Schaller, TheAmerican Occupation ofJapan (1985) NY: 189. 6 Makiko Hamaguchi-Klenner, China Images of Japanese Conservatives (1981) Hamburg: 71; Soeya Yoshihide, Japan’s Economic Diplomacy with China, 1945–1978 (1998) Oxford: 25–6; Fukui Haruhiro, Party in Power (1970) Berkeley: 241; R.K. Jain, China and Japan, 1949–80 (1981[A]) Delhi: 26; Lalima Varma, The Making of Japan’s China Policy (1991) Delhi: 116–8; Leng Shao Chuan, Japan and Communist China (1958) Kyoto: 110–2.
New York Times (25 Nov. 1949) cited in Schaller (1985): 189.
Acheson memo, meeting with Bradley and others, 29 Dec. 1949, FRUS, 1949 IX: 463–7.
Ishikawa Tadao, Nakajima Mineo, and Ikei Masaru (eds), Sengo shiryo: NitChu kankei (1970): 23; Gordon Chang, Friends and Enemies (1990) Stanford: 73.
See: Lowell Dittmer, Sino-Soviet Normalization and its International Implications (1992) Seattle: ch. 1; P. Jones and S. Kevill, China and the Soviet Union, 1949–84 (1985) Harlow, Essex: ch. 1.
From a postwar high of $19.6 million in 1950, exports fell to $5.8 million the following year, and to just $600,000 in 1952. Imports followed a similar plunging trajectory when, to Yoshida’s apparent surprise, Beijing responded by banning delivery
of essential materials to Japan. Chae-Jin Lee, Japan Faces China (1976) Baltimore: 144; Hodgson (Tokyo) to DEA, 29 Dec. 1950, A4231, 1950/TOKYO, NAA. See also: Jain (1981A): 27.
MC, Yoshida and Sebald, 20 Feb. 1951, FRUS, 1951 VI: 828; Casey to Tange, 9 Dec. 1959, A1838, 3103/10/10/2, NAA.
R.K. Jain, Japan’s Post-War Peace Settlements (1978) New Delhi: 372.
David Mayers, Cracking the Monolith (1986) Baton Rouge: 103.
Eckersley (Tokyo) to SEA, 10 May 1952, A1838, 3103/7/1, NAA; DOS, IR 5935, ‘Attitudes and Policies of Japan towards Trading with the Soviet bloc’, 3 July 1952, IRR.
Members included Hirano Yoshitarö (Japan Peace Association), Ishibashi Tanzan (exfinance minister), Murata Shozo (former president of Osaka ShOsen and former ambassador to the Philippines), Kitamura Tokutaro (ex-finance minister, a leader of KaishintO, and director of Shinwa Bank), Hoashi Kei (Diet member, Ryokufkai), and Aikawa Yoshisuke (former president of Manchurian Heavy Industries). Kurt Radtke, China’s Relations with Japan, 1945–83 (1990) Manchester: 99.
Foreign Minister Okazaki told the Lower House Foreign Affairs Committee at this time that Japan would not negotiate a trade agreement with Russia unless the Sino-Soviet Alliance was revised. Japan News (28 April 1952).
The signatories were Kora Tomi (Diet member, Ryokufkai), Hoashi Kei and Miyagoshi Kisuke. Jain (1981A): 29. Immediately upon returning to Japan they helped found the NitChu Boeki Sokushin Kai, chaired by former Vice-Minister of Greater East Asian Affairs Yamamoto Kumaichi.
DOS, IR 5941, ‘Pei-p’ing “Trade Agreement” and its impact in Japan’, 30 June 1952, 693.94/6–3052, NA; Radtke (1990): 99, 112 (n.52). It also described Chinese trade as ‘completely dependent upon the Soviet Union.’ Foreign Ministry, Information and Culture Bureau, ‘The Trade Policy of Communist China and the so-called “China-Japan Trade Agreement”’ World Report (7 June 1952).
AmEmbTok to DOS, 5 Apr. 1953, OSS/State Dept. Intelligence and Research Reports, Part VIII, Japan, Korea, South-east Asia and the Far East Generally: 1950–61 Supplement (1979) Washington, D.C.
In April, the departing US ambassador publicly warned Japanese business leaders off the China market, where ‘political objectives often outweigh economic considerations.’ That same month, the president had privately expressed his belief that Japan had ‘no future…unless access were provided for it to the markets and raw materials of Manchuria and North China.’ Secretary of State John Foster Dulles, countered that the embargo could be maintained ‘for perhaps five years’, while Japan was encouraged to look instead towards the markets of Southeast Asia. Jain (1981A): 30; NSC, 139th Meeting, (dated) 16 Apr. 1953, DDRS (1987): 2885.
In April, Kazami Akira, an Independent Diet member, helped to bring them together in the NitChu NisSo Kokko Chosei Sokushin Domei. By the autumn, it had evolved into a general coordinating body—NitChu NisSo Kokko Kaifuku Kokumin Kaigi—and was led by Majima Kan, a medical doctor. Radtke (1990): 99, 101; ‘NisSo kosho to sayoku no senden katsudo’ Nihon oyobi Nihonjin (Aug. 1955): 34–37. See Appendix I for a list of members.
Yamamoto Kumaichi, ‘Trade Problems with the PRC’ Contemporary Japan (Sept. 1958): 364; Fukui (1970): 241.
The League was by now the largest inter-party organisation in the Diet, comprising not only all of the Socialists, but also more than 40 Progressives, and 70 members of Yoshida’s own Liberals. Qing Simei, ‘The Eisenhower Administration and Changes in Western Embargo Policy Against China, 1954–1958’, The Great Powers in East Asia, Warren Cohen and Iriye Akira (eds) (1990) NY: 127.
MC, Takeuchi Harumi and Lutkins, 7 Dec. 1953, 693.94/12–753, NA.
Chang (1990): 89–90; Jain (1981A): 30. Ikeda later credited the Chinese with originating the concept of seikei bunri at this time. Ikeda Masanosuke, Nazo no Kuni, Chukyo Tairitsu no Jittai (1969): 344.
AmEmbTok to DOS, 17 Aug. 1953, FRUS, 1952–54 XIV: 1480 (n.2), 1490–1.
Ikeda-Robertson talks, 2 Oct. 1953, 611.94/9–2953, NA; Hosoya Chihiro, ‘From the Yoshida Letter to the Nixon Shock’ in Iriye and Cohen (1989): 23.
McClurkin to Drumwright, 14 April 1954, FRUS, 1952–54 XIV: 1634–35.
MC, Ohashi and Lutkins, 3 June 1954, 693.94/6–1754, NA; Nihon Times (31 July 1954).
James Morley, Soviet and Communist Chinese Policies toward Japan, 1950–57 (1958) NY: 8.
‘Shindankai ni haitta “Chu-So kokkO kaifuku”’ Ekonomisuto (6 Nov. 1954): 16–7; Q. (pseud.) ‘Tai So boeki urabanashi’ Ekonomisuto (18 Sept. 1954): 20–1.
Horie Masanori, ‘NisSo boeki o suishin sum mono habamu mono’ Chuo Koron (Dec. 1954): 207.
Other leading members included Ishibashi Tanzan, Kitamura TokutarO, Fujiyama Aiichirö (head of JAL and the Tokyo Chamber of Commerce), Takasaki Tatsunosuke, and Suga Reinosuke (chairman, Tokyo Electric Power). Yamamoto Kumaichi and Suzuki Kazuo of JCTPA were both founding members, but plans to merge the two bodies came to naught. Since JITPA was more big business oriented, some members of JCTPA resented the newcomer. Ogata Sadako, ‘The Business Community and Japanese Foreign Policy’, The Foreign Policy of Modern Japan, R.A. Scalapino (ed.) (1977) Berkeley: 179; Soeya (1998): 28–9.
‘Chu-So sengen o do uketoru ka’ Ekonomisuto (23 Oct. 1954): 24–6. Other influential examples included Fujiyama Aiichiro and Sugi Michisuke (head of the Osaka Chamber of Commerce).
William Ballis, ‘A Decade of Soviet—Japan Relations’ Studies on the Soviet Union (1964): 134.
Fukui (1970): 238; Ishiyama Kenkichi, ‘Kakuto no koyaku o hyosu’ Daiyamondo (11 Feb. 1955): 12.
The visit of a private Japanese fisheries delegation to China on 13 January also won official backing, and three months of talks resulted in signature of a non-governmental agreement. Mainichi Shimbun (15 Dec. 1954); Morley (1958): 15; Radtke (1990): 106; Jain (1981A): 37.
RC, Zhou and Murata, 23 Jan. 1955, A-0133–5–0123, GS; Murata ShOzo, ‘Furui Chugokukan e no keikoku’ Bungei Shunju (July 1955): 60, 62; Murata ShOzO, ‘NitChu kankei no genjo o ureu’ Sekai (Nov. 1955): 19.
Suzuki MatsugorO, ‘Kyosanken bOeki ni odoru hitobito’ Jimbutsu Oral (Apr. 1955): 53; ‘Gyakuten shidashita Nichi-Bei kosho no uchimaku’ Shinsó (1 Apr. 1955): 16; Japan News (7 Mar, 1955) in A1838, 766/3/4, NAA.
Shimizu Sayuri, ‘Perennial Anxiety’ Journal of American—East Asian Relations (fall 1995): 235; Douglas Johnston, ‘Marginal Diplomacy in East Asia’ International Journal (summer 1971): 485–7.
Johnston (1971): 488 (n.27); Jamieson (Tokyo) to SEA, 21 July 1955, A1838, 766/3/4, NAA.
According to Yoshioka Ichiro (consul in Djakarta), ‘China wanted trade relations with Japan to serve as a bargaining factor in future trade dealings with the Soviet.’ RC, Yoshioka and Lee, 15 May 1955, A1838 3103/11/87 Pt. 2, NAA. Similarly, Ambassador Sawada Renzo (observer at the UN), was already predicting that ‘in the long run China would…prefer to have the help of Japanese rather than Russian technicians’. Forsyth (UN) to SEA, 15 Apr. 1955, A1838 3103/7/1, NAA.
‘NitChu bOeki kyotei no igi’ Ekonomisuto (14 May 1955): 23.
‘Japan—China Trade’, 19 July 1955, A1838, 766/3/4, NAA.
They estimated that Sino-Japanese trade would develop only slowly, but for the first time serious concern was expressed at growing Chinese economic penetration of Southeast Asian markets. Drumwright (Hong Kong) to Dulles, 15 Nov. 1955, 693.94/11–1555; Rankin (Taipei) to Dulles, 21 Nov. 1955, 690.93/11–2155, NA.
‘Recent Developments and Future Prospects of Japanese Trade with Communist China’, IR 6649, 15 Apr. 1955, OSS/State Dept. Intelligence & Research Reports, IX, China and India, 1950–61.
Kosaka Zentaro, ‘Nihon ni semaru churitsuka seisaku’ Seikei Shfshin (Aug. 1955): 90– 9.
MC, Shigemitsu and Dulles, 29–31 Aug. 1955, FRUS, 1955–57 XX1II(1): 93–113.
Shinohara Hajime, ‘The Leadership of the Conservative Party’ Journal of Social and Political Ideas in Japan (Dec. 1964): 44. Guo apparently convinced Matsumura that the Chinese Revolution was essentially nationalist in character like the Meiji Restoration. Soeya (1998): 80.
DOS, ‘Soviet Statements on Japan–USSR Relations’, IR 8481, 6 June 1961, OSS/State Dept. Intelligence and Research Reports, XI The Soviet Union: 1950–61 Supplement (1979) Washington, D.C.
At the same time, political commentator Inabuchi Tatsuo suggested to the Americans that, ‘In future Japan may be able to compete with [the] USSR as a supplier of scientific and technical know-how to China.’ Lamb to Bowie, 19 Mar. 1956, Division of North East Asian Affairs, Box 9, 58-D-118 & 58-D-637, Records of the Office of North East Asian Affairs: Japan, Subject Files, 1947–56, Confidential US State Dept. Special Files—Japan, 1947–56 (1990) Bethesda.
MC, Hatoyama and Dulles, 19 Mar. 1956, FRUS, 1955–57 XXIII(1): 163–70.
NSC, 282nd meeting, 27 Apr. 1956, FRUS, 1955–57 XXIII(1): 174–5; Shimizu (1995): 237–8.
Varma (1991): 46; Yamamoto Kumaichi, ‘Trade Problems with PRC’ Contemporary Japan (Sept. 1958): 391.
General R. Collins (Joint Chiefs) to Radford, 5 Oct. 1956, DDRS (1956(80)): 360A.
Murata ShOzO, ‘Nitchu keizai koryu no tenbo’ Sekai (Feb. 1957): 83.
Arisawa Hiromi, et al., ‘Kokomu no kabe o koete’ Sekai (Dec. 1956): 53; Jain (1981A): 31.
The Japanese government even contributed 60 million yen to help defray the costs of this ‘private’ exhibition and its sister fair in Shanghai. SO YOkichi, ‘Nitchu boeki o ugokasu mono’ Nihon oyobi Nihonjin (Jan. 1957): 62–8; J.Y.S. Cheng, ‘Sino-Japanese Relations, 1957–60’ Asian Affairs (1977): 71; R.G. Boyd, ‘China’s Relations with Japan’ Australian Outlook (Apr. 1960): 56.
MC, Ishibashi and Robertson, 19 Dec. 1956, FRUS, 1955–57 XXIII(l ): 235–40.
‘Ishibashi Tanzan—sono hito to seisaku’ Shukan Asahi (30 Dec. 1956): 8; Asahi Shimbun (26 Dec. 1956).
Hirano Yoshitaro, ‘Nichi-Bei kankei no shorai’ Ekonomisuto (19 Jan. 1957): 26.
Shigemori Tadashi, ‘Shiberia kaihatsu to NisSo boeki’ Keizai brai (Feb. 1957): 40.
This did not signify the immediate cessation of trade, but levels soon began to fall. Morley (1958): 22; Kubota Yasutaro, ‘Nitchu boeki kOshO zasetsu no oshieru mono’ Chuo Kdron (Jan. 1958): 130, Kimura Kihachiro, ‘Daiyonji kyOtei kosho no kihonten’ Ekonomisuto (4 May 1957): 23.
Watt (Tokyo) to DEA, 9 June 1957, A1838, 3103/11/6, NAA; Warren Cohen, ‘China in Japanese—American Relations’ in Iriye and Cohen (1989): 49.
MC, Kishi and Dulles, 21 June 1957, FRUS, 1955–57 XXIII(1): 408.
The US quietly withdrew its opposition to the elimination of the ‘China differential’ on 6 August, although it maintained its own embargo. Cohen (1989): 50; Jain (1981 A): 32.
AmEmbTok to DOS, 31 Jan. 1958, 694.00/1–3158, NA.
MacArthur to Dulles, 28 Mar, 1958, FRUS, 1958–60 XVIII, Supplement, Document 438.
Cheng (1977): 76; I. Morris, ‘Foreign Policy Issues in Japan’s 1958 Elections’ Pacific Affairs (Sept. 1958): 221; Fukui (1970): 231; Jain, (1981 A): 36; People’s Daily (11 May 1958) cited in Boyd (1960): 59.
Barnett (1960): 242–3; Sidney Klein, ‘A Survey of Sino-Japanese Trade, 1950–66’ China Mainland Review (Dec. 1966): 186.
‘Zenmen chuzetsu shita Nitchu boeki’ Ekonomisuto (24 May 1958): 6.
For example, Utsunomiya Tokuma asserted that: ‘It is a mistake for Japan…to take a “wait and see” attitude until China begs for trade.’ Utsunomiya Tokuma, ‘Seifu no “seikan seisaku” ni hantai suru’ Chuo KOron (Nov. 1959): 49.
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Braddick, C.W. (2004). Separating economics from politics: Japan’s trade with two planned economies, 1950–60. In: Japan and the Sino-Soviet Alliance, 1950–1964. St Antony’s Series. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1057/9780230005693_4
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