Abstract
Wales in the twentieth century was more culturally distinct and yet more politically integrated into the United Kingdom than Scotland. The existence of two languages made dual identities more palpable. The numbers of Welsh speakers fell until the last decades of the twentieth century. In 1901, 50 per cent of the population of Wales could speak Welsh. In 1971, the proportion had fallen to only 21 per cent. Decline was much more to do with the processes of modernization — for example, the rise of towns, the development of industry and immigration from southern England, radio and television broadcasting — than any deliberate policy of English cultural imperialism.1 Nationalism in Wales rooted itself firmly in defence of the language. Plaid Cymru was formed at the Pwllheli National Eisteddfod in 1925 with only the language within its scope. At its summer school at Machynlleth in 1926, despite the continuing miners’ strike, the new party failed to discuss social or economic questions.2 Welsh and Welsh nationalism have sometimes therefore been seen as synonymous, with the eisteddfodau seemingly symbolizing that relationship. But the eisteddfodau were frequently cultural events that drew out Welsh distinctiveness only within the British context. The full title of the main annual event was the Royal National Eisteddfod, and Sir J. Prichard Jones told the national eisteddfod at Colwyn Bay that
For generations the Eisteddfod has been the pivot around which Welsh nationalism has catered to us who are of Wales … that Nationalism is a living thing, by it and for it we strive to attain higher things, not in a mean provincial spirit, but in a spirit that teaches us to do the best we can, not only for Wales, not only for Britain but for that wider British community, all over the world of which we form a part.3
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Notes
See Geraint H. Jenkins and Mari A. Williams (eds), ‘Let’s Do Our Best for the Ancient Tongue’: The Welsh Language in the Twentieth Century (Cardiff: University of Wales Press, 2000).
D. Hywell Davies, The Welsh Nationalist Party 1925–1945: A Call to Nationhood (Cardiff: University of Wales Press, 1983), p. 55;
Kenneth O. Morgan, Rebirth of a Nation: A History of Modern Wales (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1982), pp. 206–7.
Morgan, Rebirth, p. 393. Alan Butt Philip, The Welsh Question: Nationalism in Welsh Politics 1945–1970 (Cardiff: University of Wales Press, 1975) argues that Plaid Cymru’s influence was stronger and ‘far from confined to party politics’, p. 317.
Kenneth O. Morgan, ‘Lloyd George and Welsh Liberalism,’ in his Modern Wales: Politics, Places and People (Cardiff: University of Wales Press, 1995), pp. 400–18.
John S. Ellis, ‘Reconciling the Celt: British National Identity, Empire, and the 1911 Investiture of the Prince of Wales’, Journal of British Studies, 37 (1998), pp. 391–418. Quote from p. 396.
See for example Chris Williams, Capitalism, Community and Conflict: The South Wales Coalfield 1898–1947 (Cardiff: University of Wales Press, 1998).
J. Graham Jones, ‘The Parliament for Wales Campaign, 1950–1956,’ Welsh History Review, 16 (1992–3), p. 221.
Kenneth O. Morgan, ‘Power and the Glory: War and Reconstruction, 1939–1951,’ in Duncan Tanner, Chris Williams and Deian Hopkin (eds), The Labour Party in Wales, 1900–2000 (Cardiff: University of Wales Press, 2000), p. 178.
James Griffiths, Pages from Memory (London: J.M. Dent, 1969), p. 1.
Peter Stead, ‘The Labour Party and the Claims of Wales,’ in John Osmond (ed.), The National Question Again: Welsh Political Identity in the 1980s (Llandusyl: Gomer, 1985), pp. 99–123, provides a good discussion of Labour’s moves towards devolution from the 1940s to 1970s.
Quoted in Gervase Phillips, ‘Dai Bach Y Soldiwr: Welsh Soldiers in the British Army, 1914–1918,’ Llafur, 6 (1993), p. 102.
Mervyn Jones, A Radical Life: The Biography of Megan Lloyd George (London: Hutchinson, 1991), p. 11;
John Grigg, Lloyd George: From Peace to War 1912–1916 (London: Methuen, 1985), p. 402.
See Kenneth O. Morgan, ‘England, Britain and the Audit of War,’ Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 6th series, 1997, vol. 7, p. 150.
Brian Davies, ‘Empire and Identity: The “Case” of Dr William Price’, in David Smith (ed.), A People and a Proletariat: Essays in the History of Wales1780–1980 (London: Pluto, 1980), pp. 86–7.
Aled Jones and Bill Jones, ‘The Welsh World and the British Empire, c. 1851–1939: An Exploration’, in Carl Bridge and Kent Fedorowich (eds), The British World: Diaspora, Culture and Identity (London: Frank Cass, 2003), pp. 57–81.
D. Andrews and J. Howell, ‘Transforming into a Tradition: Rugby and the Making of Imperial Wales, 1890–1914’, in A. Ingham and J. Loy (eds), Sport in Social Development: Traditions, Transitions, and Transformations (Champaign, Ill., Human Kinetics, 1993), p. 79.
See Richard Finlay, ‘“For or Against?” Scottish Nationalists and the British Empire, 1919–39’, Scottish Historical Review, 71 (1992), pp. 184–206.
See for example H.W.J. Edwards, What is Welsh Nationalism? Second edition (Cardiff: Plaid Cymru, 1954)
and F. Ridley quoted in Peter Berresford Ellis (ed.), The Creed of Celtic Revolution (London: Medusa, 1969), p. 14.
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© 2005 Paul Ward
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Ward, P. (2005). Wales and the Union. In: Unionism in the United Kingdom, 1918–1974. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1057/9780230000964_6
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1057/9780230000964_6
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