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Contextualising Gendered Agency in War and Peace: Gender Justice and Women’s Activism in Historical Perspective

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Gendered Agency in War and Peace

Part of the book series: Rethinking Peace and Conflict Studies ((RCS))

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Abstract

This chapter situates the study within its historical context, providing a brief overview of conflict and peacebuilding in Bosnia and Herzegovina, and a short account of women’s activism in the former Yugoslavia. The chapter posits that the activism being undertaken by women working firstly within associations of missing and killed persons, secondly within associations comprising former camp detainees and survivors of wartime rape and torture, and thirdly within women’s/feminist advocacy groups, can be understood in terms of a nascent gender justice movement. Victims, survivors, and their representatives have mobilised to expose the gendered impact of transitional justice mechanisms. They foreground women’s experiences as victims and survivors and as subjects of justice, and spotlight the gendered forms of subordination and inequality being forged, shaped, and reproduced.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Referred to hereafter as SFRY or Yugoslavia.

  2. 2.

    For an overview of debates regarding the causes of Yugoslavia’s dissolution, see Cohen and Dragović-Soso (2008). On the war in Bosnia, see, for example, Silber and Little (1996); Woodward (1995).

  3. 3.

    Thirty per cent of seats in each institution were reserved for women.

  4. 4.

    Ramet (1999: 102) notes that as late as 1986, women accounted for only 15.6% of deputies to the Federal Assembly, 19.3% of deputies to the Assemblies of the S ocialist Republics, 24.4% of deputies to the Assemblies of the autonomous provinces, and 17.1% of deputies to communal assemblies.

  5. 5.

    Einhorn (1993: 268) notes that a gendered organisation of work characterised all socialist societies, with women being paid less for undertaking comparable work.

  6. 6.

    Ramet (1999: 97) notes that women were drastically under-represented in some professions such as court judges, journalists, administrators, and professors.

  7. 7.

    I use the terms “ethnic nationalism” or “ethno-nationalism” to refer to a form of nationalism centred upon the ethnie or ethnic community as constructed through “a myth of common ancestry, shared memories, and cultural elements, a link with an historic territory or homeland and a measure of solidarity” (Smith 1993: 49).

  8. 8.

    The name “Bosniak” (“Bošnjak” in local languages) is used to designate Bosnian Muslims; “Bosnian” (“Bosanac”) refers to all inhabitants of BiH.

  9. 9.

    These parties are named Stranka demokratske akcije (SDA), Hrvatska demokratska zajednica (HDZ), and Srpska Demokratska Stranka (SDS) in Bosnian/Croatian/Serbian languages.

  10. 10.

    United Nations Security Council, Final report of the United Nations Commission of Experts established pursuant to security council resolution 780 (1992) Annex IX: Rape and Sexual assault, Appendix 2, UN Doc. S/1994/674/Add.2 (Vol. V), 28 December 1994.

  11. 11.

    The exact number of war-related deaths is unknown. The Sarajevo-based Research and Documentation Centre (RDC) has produced a database of 96,895 victims, classified by age, gender, ethnicity, and status, and is generally regarded as the most accurate. The RDC data indicates that 57,523 of the total were soldiers and 39,684 civilians, 89% of victims were men and 10% were women. Mirsad Tokača, Research and Documentation Centre, Personal Interview, Sarajevo, April 2011.

  12. 12.

    Report by Mr Manfred Nowak, Expert Member of the WGEID, Special Process on Missing Persons in the territory of the former Yugoslavia, Doc. E/CN.4/1997/55, 15 January 1997, paras. 99–106.

  13. 13.

    For a comprehensive overview of debates see special issue of International Peacekeeping, Vol. 12, No. 3, 2005.

  14. 14.

    A recent survey on the prevalence of violence against women in BiH by Filipović-Hadžiabdić (2013) highlights that 47% of Bosnian women had experienced violence in their lifetime, 12% within the previous 12 months. Intimate partner violence is a particular problem with 75% of violent acts perpetrated by current or former partners.

  15. 15.

    See my analysis of ICTY discourse in Chap. 4.

  16. 16.

    See in particular Rules 34(A), 69, 75, and 96 of the ICTY’s Rules of Procedure and Evidence, available at http://www.icty.org/.

  17. 17.

    This view was expressed at the TRIAL and ICTY public roundtable I attended on 17 May 2012, through presentations made by representatives of local Prosecutor’s Offices.

  18. 18.

    This view was expressed by many interviewees I spoke to throughout my fieldwork.

  19. 19.

    For a detailed historical overview of the emergence of domestic and international institutions working on the issue of missing persons in BiH, see Juhl (2009).

  20. 20.

    Annex 7, Dayton Peace Agreement; available at http://www.ohr.int/dpa/default.asp?content_id=375 (last accessed 10 January 2014).

  21. 21.

    Information on the ICRC’s role in Bosnia is available at http://familylinks.icrc.org/bosnia/en/Pages/background-information.aspx (last accessed 30 January 2014).

  22. 22.

    ICMP, Fact Sheet, Sarajevo: 2013; available at http://www.ic-mp.org/wp-content/uploads/2013/10/icmp-cos-58-10-doc-fact-sheet.pdf (accessed 22 January 2014).

  23. 23.

    This process was explained by ICMP staff during my visit to ICMP Headquarters in July 2011 with a delegation of students from Srebrenica Summer Research University. An overview of the process of identifying remains, including early efforts, see: ICMP (2014), pp. 49–91.

  24. 24.

    MPI was co-founded by BiH Council of Ministers and ICMP and was established under Article 7 of the BiH Law on Missing Persons. English translation is available at http://www.ic-mp.org/icmp-worldwide/southeast-europe/ (accessed 22 January 2014).

  25. 25.

    Statement obtained from ICMP website: http://www.ic-mp.org/icmp-worldwide/southeast-europe/bosnia-and-herzegovina (accessed 22 January 2014).

  26. 26.

    Examples include the Autonomous Women’s Centre and Women in Black (both in Belgrade), the Centre for Women War Victims in Zagreb, and Medica Women’s Therapy Centre in Zenica, BiH.

  27. 27.

    Korač (1998a), p. 172.

  28. 28.

    Many mothers in Croatia who opposed their sons being drafted into the JNA did not protest when they were drafted into the Croatian Defense Forces.

  29. 29.

    I employ the terms “motherist” and “widowist” to highlight the socially constructed (rather than essential ist) nature of “motherh ood” and “wido whood” and the fact that these activists are embracing and enacting politicised iden tities as mothers and as widows in their efforts to bring about social and political change. As Radcliffe and Westwood (1993: 18) point out, motherist strategies are often “predicated upon overcoming the public/private divide as it impresses upon women’s lives... [bringing] mothers in their domestic clothes to the centre of the public stage”.

  30. 30.

    In the Bosnian context a variety of actors within civil society have undertaken campaigns for TJ. These include organisations such as the Research and Documentations Center (RDC) in Sarajevo (which has compiled a comprehensive database on victims and atrocities as part of the “Population Losses 1992–1995” project); associations of families of missing persons; war veteran associations; civilian victims of war associations; associations of former camp detainees and prisoners of war; Center for Nonviolent Action (which organised public forums with war veterans in different towns in BiH); as well as individu al intellectuals, journalists, and civil society activists who generate public debate on TJ issues (e.g. journalists from the Balkan Investigative Reporting Network, academics at the Center for Interdisciplinary Postgraduate Studies of the University of Sarajevo, documentary-makers such as XY films). These actors interact with a variety of local, national, and international instit utions engaged with “dealing with the past” in Bosnia.

  31. 31.

    UNFPA provided financial and technical support for the development of the Programme for Victims of Wartime Rape, Sexual Violence and Torture and their Families in BiH 2013–16. Women’s NGOs including the Foundation for Local De mocracy, Vive Žene, and Snaga Žene participated in the consultation process as examples of “best practice”.

  32. 32.

    The Tuzla-based NGO Vive Žene, for example, which provides psycho-social support to witnesses/victims testifying in war crimes trials, has received financial support from the OSCE. Vive Žene have also received funding from the EU (2015–17) to implement the project “Ensuring access to Justice for Witness/Victims through strengthening existing and establishing new Witness Support Networks across BiH”.

  33. 33.

    AI and a coalition of local women’s NGOs have jointly campaigned in support of survivors of sexual violence, highlighting the inadequacies of current TJ mechanisms and the failure of authorities to satisfactorily respond to survivors’ ongoing psychological, social, and health concerns. See Amnesty International (2009).

  34. 34.

    I highlight TRIAL’s role in gender justice initiatives in Chap. 5.

  35. 35.

    Director of several films examining the continuing impact of the 1992–95 war on Bosnian society. These include the documentary film Red Rubber Boots (2000), which portrays a woman searching for her husband and two children who were abducted by the Serbian army during the war, and the feature films Grbavica (2006), which explores the struggles of Sarajevo resident Esma to cope with the aftermath of wartime rape, and On the Path (2010) which touches upon the increasing influence of Islam in post-war BiH. The film Grbavica featured members from the Women’s Section of Concentration Camp Survivors Canton Sarajevo.

  36. 36.

    In October 2010, public divisions appeared between these groups following rumours that Angelina Jolie’s film In the Land of Blood and Honey would portray a love affair between a Bosnian Serb rapist and Bosniak rape victim. See: Helms (2013), pp. 216–219. See also: Beaumont (2010); Subasic (2010).

  37. 37.

    These campaigns resonate with recent UN rhetoric on gender and TJ. Ban Ki-Moon (2010: paragraph 48), for example, “call[ed] on all actors to ensure that minimum standards of gender-responsiveness are established for truth commissions, reparations programs and related bodies”. Likewise, UNIFEM (2010) recently published recommendations on how this “gender-sensitive” TJ agenda might be implemented.

  38. 38.

    An excellent example of this was the campaign, “For the dignity of Survivors”, which achieved official recognition of survivors of wartime rape as civilian victims of war and secured for survivors an increased level of social protection and material security. Please see Chap. 5 and Husic (2008).

  39. 39.

    For example, a submission made by TRIAL and 11 NGOs from BiH to the UN Committee Against Torture reported the failure of BiH authorities to provide access to justice and reparation to the victims of torture, rape, sexual violence and enforced disappearance and their families. See TRIAL (2010), p. 68.

  40. 40.

    The Mothers of Srebrenica organisation, for example, hold monthly demonstrations in Tuzla, carrying pillowcases embroidered with names of missing and killed men through the town to demand truth and justice. The Association Wome n Victims of War have also held demonstrations outside courts to demand truth and justice, and have organised events in Eastern Bosnia to commemorate victims of wartime sexual violence and other human rights violations.

  41. 41.

    I draw here from Benford and Snow’s (2000) work on collective action frames. They describe “collective action frames” as “action-oriented sets of beliefs and meanings that inspire and legitimate the activities and campaigns of a social movement organization …” (2000: 624).

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    Maria O’Reilly

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O’Reilly, M. (2018). Contextualising Gendered Agency in War and Peace: Gender Justice and Women’s Activism in Historical Perspective. In: Gendered Agency in War and Peace . Rethinking Peace and Conflict Studies. Palgrave, London. https://doi.org/10.1057/978-1-352-00145-7_2

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