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Abstract

Around 1932 the Esperantists ceased participation in what had become a vigorous theoretical discussion about the future of language under communism. They realized that they were getting drawn into the sensitive area of the so-called nationalities problem. The Russian language was raised to the rank of common language for all Soviet peoples. In the system of all-Soviet patriotism, which had banished even the ‘revolutionary’ Latin alphabet, there was no place for a neutral international language.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Isayev (1977), pp. 244, 249; Smith (1998), pp. 121–42.

  2. 2.

    Martin (2001), p. 196.

  3. 3.

    Isayev (1977), p. 238; cf. Smith (1998), p. 110.

  4. 4.

    R. Mencel, ‘Esperanta alfabeto kaj orientaj lingvoj’, Esperanto 18 (1922): 176–7 (on an article by Mamed Shakhakhtinsky in Izvestiia).

  5. 5.

    The Armenian linguist Gurgen Sevak, member of the Esperanto Academy from 1971 until his death in 1981.

  6. 6.

    The SAT member Aleksandr Potseluevsky was a member of the State Scientific Council of Turkmenistan: S. Bojev, ‘Latina alfabeto en Turkmenio’, Sennaciulo 3 (1926/27), 144: 5.

  7. 7.

    The linguist Lev Zhirkov: Isayev (1977), p. 245.

  8. 8.

    E. Chikhachev, ‘Latinskuiu azbuku ukrainskomu iazyku’ (Latin alphabet for the Ukrainian language), Mezhdunarodnyi iazyk 8 (1930): 36. See also D. Sneĵko, ‘Ĉu esperanta alfabeto povas esti akceptata kiel internacia?’, Sennaciulo 6 (1929/30): 241; V. Kolchinsky, ‘Za issledovanie “iskusstvennosti” v iazykakh SSSR’ (For research on ‘artificiality’ in the languages of the Soviet Union), Izvestiia Ts.K. SĖSR 6 (1928): 328–30.

  9. 9.

    Martin (2001), p. 416; further details in Smith (1998), pp. 143–60.

  10. 10.

    Yuri Slezkine, ‘The Soviet Union as a communal apartment, or How a socialist state promoted ethnic particularism’, Slavic Review 53 (1994): 415–52 (quotation p. 443).

  11. 11.

    Isayev (1977), p. 250.

  12. 12.

    Isayev, p. 268.

  13. 13.

    Isayev, pp. 263–4.

  14. 14.

    On Spiridovich, see our earlier volume, chapter 7.

  15. 15.

    E.S., ‘Ėsperantizatsiia vytekaet iz ukrainizatsii’ (Esperantization derives from Ukrainization), Mezhdunarodnyi iazyk 8 (1930): 217–22; trans. Spiridoviĉ (1932), p. 159.

  16. 16.

    Kommunisticheskaia partiia Ukrainy, Kiev, 1958; quoted in Hans-Joachim Lieber & Karl-Heinz Ruffmann (ed.), Sowjetkommunismus. Dokumente II, Cologne & Berlin: Kiepenheuer & Witsch, 1964, p. 124.

  17. 17.

    E. Drezen, ‘Al esperantistoj!’, Mezhdunarodnyi iazyk 9 (1931): 271.

  18. 18.

    Spiridovich was condemned to eight years in prison, then to permanent exile. He died in 1958 in a Siberian home for the aged. (Personal communication from Nikolai Stepanov, 10 August 2003.)

  19. 19.

    For an early Esperanto-language warning about Soviet patriotism, see Lanti & Ivon (1935), p. 36 (quotation from Pravda, 19 March 1935); cf. Moret (2010), p. 182.

  20. 20.

    Pravda, 7 July 1938; quoted in Erwin Oberländer (ed.), Sowjetpatriotismus und Geschichte. Dokumentation, Cologne: Wissenschaft und Politik, 1967, pp. 26–7.

  21. 21.

    Pravda, 31 August 1938; quoted in David Brandenberger, National Bolshevism: Stalinist Mass Culture and the Formation of Modern Russian National Identity, 19311956, Cambridge, MA, & London: Harvard University Press, 2002, p. 92. In calling for the persecution of non-Russian nationalities, the party secretary for Krasnoiarsk believed he was following an order from Ezhov, to the effect that it was necessary ‘to end the game with internationalism’: Jansen and Petrov (2002), p. 98.

  22. 22.

    Cf. Slezkine (2004), pp. 276, 279.

  23. 23.

    Drezen (1991), p. 326.

References

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Lins, U. (2017). The Emergence of Soviet Patriotism. In: Dangerous Language — Esperanto and the Decline of Stalinism. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1057/978-1-352-00020-7_3

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  • DOI: https://doi.org/10.1057/978-1-352-00020-7_3

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