Abstract
The chapter focusses on the lived experience of Soviet industrial modernity and its aftermath. It communicates the problem of thinking in terms of industrial spaces and blue-collar work solely in terms of decay and marginality. While disused industrial spaces bespeak a hollowing out of the proud production heritage of the town, I question a narrow interpretation of the end of the Soviet period as unequivocal decline, psycho-social trauma and economic precarity. Memories of the social wage and paternalism remain important. The informal economy is a significant factor in the alternatives to blue-collar employment. The town is significantly embedded in the global economy and national and regional paths of labour mobility.
‘… when the old is dying and the new has not yet been born or is too faint to notice. It is a treacherous time to interpret: Is it just before dawn, or just after dusk?’—Lilia Shevtsova, on Gramsci’s interregnum
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Notes
- 1.
On the ‘promzone’, or industrial zone as part of the urban environment of the monotown see Bolotova (2012).
- 2.
- 3.
Despite the much reduced present blue-collar employment, the adjustment period was relatively typical of that experienced in Russia and was not characterized by a massive and sudden layoff of workers. This is the ‘peculiar Russian model’ described by Gimpelson and Kapeliushnikov (2011: 2) and characterized by real wage cuts (through inflation, and the reduction in the second element in the two-tier wage structure of basic and bonus payments) and high labour turnover rather than involuntary redundancies. These phenomena did the work of downsizing in the 1990s.
- 4.
On the experiencing of and dealing with prolonged insecurity, compare Harboe Knudsen and Demant Frederiksen (2015) who have used the notion of grey zones to explore everyday lives and practices in Eastern Europe with a focus on situations in which uncertainty and ambiguity have become ordinary. See also Shevchenko (2011) on the permanence of crisis.
- 5.
Oushakine’s idea of ‘transitional objects’ (e.g. the Soviet national anthem reworked) as ways of people coping with change is pertinent here too (2000: 1009–1010). The problem people face in developing meaningful purchase on the ‘new’ present, and the dangers of using familiar objects (Soviet symbols) to avoid this and ‘retreat into the realm of illusion’ is part of what Oushakine calls ‘no(w)stalgia’.
- 6.
Cf. Yurchak’s (2006: 258) discussion of ‘intervals’ as a delineated western form of conceptualizing time versus temporal indeterminacy and heterochronia (temporal discontinuity) in late-Soviet experience. Yurchak’s study is of the experience of ‘heterochronia’ for the ‘last Soviet generation’ as they are wrenched away from their customary time. For them the end of the Soviet period is experienced as an ‘absolute break’, as Foucault calls the heterochronia (1984 [1967]). However, for small-town Russians there is more of a continual ebbing that has not yet seen the tide completely go out. I do not see this as inconsistent with a continuing experience of temporal interstice, parenthesis or ‘inbetweenness’. See also Bhabha on the condition of postcolonialism. For him ‘liminal space’ and ‘interstitial passage’ (1994: 4), leads to a dwelling that seeks to ‘touch the future on its hither side’ (emphasis in original: 7). Bhabha’s striking characterization of postcolonial culture as ‘unhomely’ (9), is also of relevance to understanding postsocialism’s so-called marginal denizens’ thirst for habitability in the persistently uncanny present. For a comprehensive treatment of how the theories of postcolonialism may inform the study of postsocialism see (Stenning and Hörschelmann 2008). See also Harboe Knudsen and Demant Frederiksen who have utilized the notion of grey zones to explore everyday lives and practices in Eastern Europe, with a focus on situations in which uncertainty and ambiguity have become ordinary (2015).
- 7.
See Clarke (2007: 61–3), for a discussion of the macro and firm-level consequences of rouble devaluation after the ‘Default’, otherwise known as the Russian 1998 financial crisis. Of relevance for Izluchino is his identification of the lag in salary increases, consolidation of ownership, a new impetus for hands-on management, and strong recovery for strategically located firms and those with flexibility in use of space and resources. He also makes note of the conflicting interpretations of the event by liberal economists.
- 8.
- 9.
In fact while my selection of Izluchino had nothing to do with seeking a ‘representative’ monotown, perhaps half of Russia’s monotowns (250 of them) resemble it in terms of size (less than 25,000 inhabitants). More than eight million Russians live in comparable urban spaces. Only a relatively small number of large monotowns exist (50 with a population over 100,000) although more than nine million people live in them. See Maslova (2009: 30–34).
- 10.
On the supposed ‘marginality’, in fact, these small towns, particularly in the Kaluga region, are significant feeders of low-paid labour into the multinational production sites of vehicles and food.
- 11.
It is particularly ironic that the industrial urban poor are condemned on the one hand for being politically conservative and yet gain significant attention as a ‘motor’ of social protest (2011) such as that in Pikalevo in 2009 that blocked a main highway in the Leningrad region. Pikalevo is almost exactly the same size as Izluchino (c.20,000) and has the same profile. At the same time Zubarevich is dismissive of the politically progressive potential of such protests.
- 12.
Literally, ‘poselek gorodskogo tipa’.
- 13.
All statistics on numbers of workers are derived from the State Labour Inspectorate’s registration data results for certification of workplaces according to working conditions at the firm level. The data are for 2011 and available at the raion level.
- 14.
On autarky it is worth stressing that more ‘monoprofile’ enterprises in the Soviet period and after were by their very nature forced to develop particularly creative and inventive parallel production facilities to avoid long periods of delay due to the difficulty of repair or replacement of capital machinery in an economy of shortage. This reinforces the argument about the illusory inflexibility of the monotown. See Alasheev on this point (1995a: 83–9).
- 15.
Galina’s patronymic name indicates her Volga German roots, similar to many middle-aged workers who came to work in Izluchino from nearer or further afield in the 1970s and 1980s. A number of informants had ethnic German backgrounds and had previously lived in the coal-mining areas of neighbouring Tula, a region to which their families had been deported from the Volga during WWII.
- 16.
On the ‘familialization’ of care, see Pascall and Manning (2000).
- 17.
Particularly on respectability, this insight resonates with some of Skeggs’ findings on the propertization, or otherwise, of working-class values among women in the UK (Skeggs 1997: 32). Skeggs’ more recent work attempts to deal with the difficulty of applying Bourdieusian ‘capitals’ analysis in contexts where subjects’ claim to personhood are delegitimized by virtue of a lack of access to ‘dominant symbolic circuits’ (2011: 503).
- 18.
I use the term ‘dwelling’ to draw attention to the relationship between ‘habitability’ and Tim Ingold’s concept of dwelling and livelihood. Aspects of Ingold’s use of the word have significant resonance with my use of habitability (2000: 153).
- 19.
Izluchino may have the ‘appearance’ of an ex-monotown, but even in the mid-1990s less than 30% of workers were employed in Sredmash. 30% or more employment in the main enterprise is the main definition of a monotown (Maslova 2009).
- 20.
Like the term ‘exit’ used in the previous paragraph, the word ‘choice’ here intentionally echoes the ‘voice’ of Hirschman’s (1971) Exit, Voice, and Loyalty.
- 21.
- 22.
See Munck (2013) who challenges the ‘marginality paradigm’ along with precaritization more generally as a useful heuristic.
- 23.
A sense of belonging to the locality was sometimes expressed by informants using the commonplace phrase ‘malaia rodina’, or ‘little motherland’.
- 24.
In contrast to other rural dwellers who make the ‘one-way bet’ on selling up and moving to the town, Grigory has strategically expanded his land holdings maintaining a core of agricultural practices as subsistence ‘insurance’ while making a very good living by project managing building dachas for the wealthy Muscovites and a side-line in free-range geese. He is a new kind of small landholder (melkii zemlevladelets). His freedom of action is partly a function of his control of a large enough holding of land, but it is status as a kind of parish elder who is consulted over the most minor issues as a matter of deference even by the new rich that marks him out as a new kind of freeholder or alderman, if only of the most modest kind.
- 25.
In turn, Pokrovskii’s cellular metaphor appears related to Finn Sivert Nielsen’s characterization of urban and enterprise-related ‘islands’ in the Soviet period, ruled as semi-feudal domains (2006). This metaphor seems more appropriate in evoking the fragile yet cherished sociosphere of the small town for its inhabitants: it is both ‘refuge’ and ‘home base’ (ibid., n.p.).
- 26.
‘Niche’ is precisely the term used by Saraev to describe his firm’s positioning in the Russian globalized economy.
- 27.
Collier (2011: 107) notes in passing that the small industrial settlement in the USSR was able to achieve a ‘livable’ balance between industrial production and residential development for its inhabitants. In particular Collier’s Chapter 4 on the building of the small industrial city Belaya Kalitva can be read in parallel with the current chapter as a more ‘bureaucratic-impersonal’ analysis of the development of such urban spaces (105).
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Morris, J. (2016). Introduction: The ‘Worthless’ Dowry of Soviet Industrial Modernity. In: Everyday Post-Socialism. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1057/978-1-349-95089-8_1
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