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The Strengths of CRT

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Critical Race Theory and Education

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Abstract

I have argued that CRT is fundamentally flawed with respect to its advocacy of ‘white supremacy’, as a generally applicable descriptor of racism in certain modern societies, and in its prioritizing of ‘race’ over social class. In this chapter, I will assess what I perceive to be some of CRT’s strengths. I will look specifically at the use of the concept of property to explain historically segregation and white supremacy in the US; the importance of voice; the concept of chronicle; the all-pervasive existence of racism in the world; interest convergence theory; contradiction-closing cases transposition and CRT and the law in the US. I will indicate where I think these strengths can be enhanced by Marxist analysis

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Notes

  1. 1.

    The online version has this sentence incorrectly translated as ‘Other than this neither Marx nor I have ever asserted’. My thanks to Stathis Kouvelakis for pointing this out to me.

  2. 2.

    ‘Creole’ is an adaptation of the Castillian-Spanish colonial word, criolla. In the US context, the term ‘Creole’ refers to a unique group of people who reside in Louisiana, particularly New Orleans. The first Creoles were descendants from Senegambia in Africa, who were brought to Louisiana as slaves in the eighteenth century. Creoles are of mixed African and French and/or Spanish heritage (DeCuir-Gunby 2006, p. 96).

  3. 3.

    DeCuir-Gunby (2006, p. 107) argues that the case of Josephine DeCuir ‘evokes many questions about the present-day role of mulitiracialism’, making reference to the 2000 US Census which for the first time gave individuals the opportunity to ‘identify multiracially’ (ibid., p. 108). Noting that on the surface this option seems positive, beneath the surface she suggests, ‘listing all racial groups, especially white, is an attempt to access the property rights of whiteness’ (ibid., p. 108), and that the ‘multiracial label’ has been most used by whites ‘in an attempt to transfer the property rights of whiteness to their multiracial children’ (ibid.). While the motives of people using ‘multiracial labels’ are interesting issues in the context of a racialized capitalist society, I do not think that directly relating the case of Josephine DeCuir to such issues is particularly illuminating. What I have attempted in this section of the chapter is to assess CRT’s efficacy in explaining segregation and white supremacy in their historical contexts. The case of Josephine DeCuir performs this function well.

  4. 4.

    In Marxist theory, the capitalist state is more than mere government, and includes a range of institutions, including the hierarchy of the police, of the armed forces, the courts and so on. I am thinking here of national states. There are also local states, as, for example, the individual states of the ‘United States of America’, each of which also encompasses a range of institutions.

  5. 5.

    This is not surprising given the fact that, in her writing in general, Ladon-Billings shows more sympathy to Marxist theory and concepts than do many other Critical Race Theorists.

  6. 6.

    Murray’s interpretation is most interesting. First, it implies that media images are somehow objective; second, in a most racist and sexist way, it juxtaposes black men and black women—the former, criminals, the latter, inept.

  7. 7.

    I put ‘white’ in brackets because it is possible to imagine a state, in which the ruling faction is not white, that might accommodate the interests of another non-white minority when it converges with the interests of the non-white state. Indeed, an example of this might be President Thabo Mbeki of South Africa’s delayed response to the violent racism meted out in South Africa from black South Africans to black Zimbabwean immigrants (see chapter 6 for a discussion). Mbeki was silent for two weeks before eventually breaking his virtual silence, following international coverage of these attacks ‘left more than 50 people dead and tens of thousands fleeing their homes’ to denounce them as an ‘absolute disgrace’ (McGreal 2008).

  8. 8.

    It is also possible to imagine this scenario taking place when the none of the participants are people of color. We might just substitute a metropolitan area offering school places to white working class students in predominantly white middle class schools, and enticing middle class students to attend city schools (I am using class in a sociological rather than Marxist sense here: in terms of occupation and status rather than relationship to the mode of production).

  9. 9.

    Delgado’s addition of ‘or the poor’ is significant and, one would assume, relates to the aforementioned fact that Delgado favours a ‘return to class’ within CRT.

  10. 10.

    Gillborn (2008, p. 133) is careful to stress his awareness that his analysis could be seen as disrespectful to the Lawrence family’s ongoing battle for justice, and of victories won along the way. He underlines that this is neither his intent, nor, he hopes the outcome of his analysis, and lists a number of such victories (ibid., pp. 133–4). ‘The Lawrence Inquiry’, he notes, ‘has delivered considerable advances and holds out the possibility of further progress, but it is a start not an end’ (ibid., p. 135).

  11. 11.

    Blair’s and Brown’s policies are indicative of what Gillborn (2008, pp. 81–86) refers to as ‘aggressive majoritarianism’ (see chapter 6 of this volume for a discussion).

  12. 12.

    Similar hypocrisy was apparent in The Sun which, as Gillborn (2008, p. 86) points out, transposed its usual anti-Muslim sentiment into the more acceptable language of gender equity (‘face veil stops girls learning’), while on the opposite page it featured topless ‘Nikkala 24, from Middlesex’.

  13. 13.

    Louis Althusser (1971) differentiates between what he calls the Repressive State Apparatuses (RSAs) (government, administration, army, police, courts, prisons) and the Ideological State Apparatuses (ISAs) (religion, education, family, law, politics, trade unions, communication, culture). While the ISAs operate via ideology, the RSAs operate primarily by force and control. This can be by making illegal the forces and organisations (and their tactics) that threaten the capitalist status quo and the rate of profit. Thus, for example, restrictions are placed on strike action and trade union activities. More extreme versions of RSA action include heavy intimidatory policing and other forms of state-sanctioned political repression and violence by the police and armed forces. The ruling class, and governments in whose interests they act, tend to prefer, in normal circumstances, to operate via ISAs. Changing the school curriculum to make it more in line with the requirements of capital, for example, is less messy than sending in the riot police or the troops; and it is deemed to be more legitimate by the populace (Hill 2001, p. 106; see also Hill 1989, 2004, 2005). For Althusser, whereas the religious ISA (system of different churches) used historically to be the major ISA, ‘the ISA which has been installed in the dominant position in mature capitalist social formations … is the educational ideological apparatus …[it is] number one’ (Althusser 1971, p. 153). To what extent, Althusser might have modified his views on education as being the dominant ISA, given the current hegemony of organised religion (distortions of Christianity and Islam) is open to debate. In addition, the proliferation of the mass media in its numerous guises might have encouraged Althusser to attribute a more central role to ‘culture’. However, there is no denying the current power of education in distilling dominant ideologies. In the UK, for example, ‘education, education, education’ was, as is well known, Tony Blair’s New Labour mantra. While there is disagreement among Marxists about the precise relationship between education, privatisation and capitalist profits (e.g. Rikowski 2005; Hatcher 2006; see also Cole 2007), there is a general consensus that the education system is a very powerful force in the maintenance of capitalism.

  14. 14.

    Gillborn (2008, pp. 34–5).

  15. 15.

    This is the transcript of part of a real conversation; see Cole (2008b, p. 13).

  16. 16.

    This was also really part of a real conversation; see Cole (2008b, p. 13).

  17. 17.

    Mac an Ghaill (2000).

  18. 18.

    The platform of the UK socialist organization, Respect is referred to in chapter 8 of this volume. Unfortunately, it has recently split, and its future is uncertain.

  19. 19.

    This was also really said; see Cole (2008b, p. 13).

  20. 20.

    Proyect (2007).

  21. 21.

    See pp. 43–44 of this volume.

  22. 22.

    Following the conviction of Lee Coleman who repeatedly used the racist term, ‘pikey’ in a drunken outburst over a nightclub entry fee, ‘pikey’ has become a ‘race’ hate word (Metro December 13, 2007). During his outburst Coleman made stereotypical racist accusations of theft.

  23. 23.

    The fact that it does not occur to the Professor (convinced of the efficacy of CRT notions of ‘white supremacy’) that Jo might be a member of a white oppressed group, in this case a member of one of the GRT community groups, underlines the third of four problems with the concept of ‘white supremacy’ that I identified in chapter 3 of this volume, namely that ‘white supremacy’ inadequately explains non-colour-coded racism.

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Cole, M. (2017). The Strengths of CRT. In: Critical Race Theory and Education. Marxism and Education. Palgrave Macmillan, New York. https://doi.org/10.1057/978-1-349-95079-9_4

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