Abstract
This chapter first explores the emergence of ALBA and its varied initiatives before analysing issues around its limits and governance. Official and observable versions of ALBA governance are compared, with much of the former proving deficient or non-existent. ALBA governance functions as a “brand”, presenting pre-existing, improvised, and better planned projects as a coherent entity and thus obscuring Venezuela’s defining control and influence. The effects of this are clear in faltering grandnational companies and the façade of an ALBA Bank, with Venezuelan inconstancy, improvisation, and impropriety often crucial. ALBA’s real governance revolves around the Venezuelan presidency and oil-backed development funds whereas its idealised form is a regional extension of Venezuela’s “dissimulative state”, which vaunts formal institutions and procedures but proceeds informally and unsystematically. Though governance arrangements vary across initiatives, generally negative impacts have rendered ALBA a toxic brand for internal and external stakeholders, hamstringing initiatives new and old.
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Notes
- 1.
Honduras joined in 2008 under Manuel Zelaya but withdrew again following his ouster in the 2009 coup.
- 2.
Social programmes like Yo Sí Puedo! (Cuba) and José Gregorio Hernández (Venezuela) are given locally meaningful names in different member-states so as to favour public attachment to them. Venezuelan names are used here for consistency, with the exception of Cuba’s well-known Yo Sí Puedo!
- 3.
Excluding countries that have since withdrawn (Honduras), become Special Guests (Haiti), or advanced to full membership (St Kitts and Nevis).
- 4.
Personal interviews, 13 December 2010.
- 5.
Personal interviews, 13 December 2010.
- 6.
Personal interviews, 23 June 2011 and 29 April 2015.
- 7.
Personal interview, 30 April 2015.
- 8.
Personal interviews, respectively 29 April 2015 and 30 April 2015.
- 9.
Personal interview, 13 December 2010.
- 10.
Personal interviews, 16 October 2010 and 22 June 2011.
- 11.
Personal interviews, 8 September 2011.
- 12.
Personal interview, 26 November 2010.
- 13.
Personal interviews, 15 November 2010, 13 December 2010.
- 14.
Personal interviews, 11 July 2011, 29 April 2015, 30 April 2015.
- 15.
Personal interviews, 17 June 2011, 11 July 2011.
- 16.
Personal interview, 30 April 2015.
- 17.
Personal interviews, 29 April 2015, 30 April 2015.
- 18.
Personal interviews, 18 October 2010, 15 November 2010, 13 December 2010.
- 19.
Personal interview, 18 October 2010.
- 20.
Economic officials interviewed for this research report had to engage with Treasury Bank officials to discuss technical issues. There are also various technical indications of this “under the hood” role.
- 21.
The exact relationships between Venezuela’s many off-budget funds is far from clear, and they often seem to be used interchangeably, perhaps because all link back to the Treasury Office. There are indications that the Treasury Bank holds other funds in trust, however (Entorno Inteligente 2009).
- 22.
Personal interviews, 23 June 2011, 29 April 2015, 30 April 2015.
- 23.
Personal interviews, 30 April 2015.
- 24.
Personal interview, 30 April 2015.
- 25.
Personal interview, 30 April 2015.
- 26.
Personal interviews, 23 August 2011, 8 September 2011.
- 27.
Personal interviews, 23 June 2011, 29 April 2015, 30 April 2015.
- 28.
Personal interview, 15 November 2010.
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Cusack, A.K. (2019). Getting to Grips with ALBA’s Brand Governance. In: Venezuela, ALBA, and the Limits of Postneoliberal Regionalism in Latin America and the Caribbean. Studies of the Americas. Palgrave Macmillan, New York. https://doi.org/10.1057/978-1-349-95003-4_2
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