Abstract
The Black communities which formed in the Colombian Pacific in the 1980s and 1990s claimed collective territorial rights to hundreds of thousands of hectares of forest. Rural Black activists—in some areas connected with the Catholic Church or with regional non-governmental organizations—mobilized, and over time won, legal titles to the territories where rural Black people had long combined subsistence production, artisanal gold mining, and itinerant labor. This chapter traces a Black social economy that can be found outside of these more formal political processes, through forms of production, savings, labor, exchange, and self-help unmediated by community politics or by household economies. The chapter shows how an everyday Black social economy exists at the margins of social movement politics and the household economy and is pre-discursive and not encompassed by the language of collective territories, collective titles, or community councils.
I would like to thank the Black community councils that gave me permission to work in their territory between 2010 and 2012, as well as the individuals I worked with. A Canadian Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council (SSHRC) Doctoral Fellowship, an Ontario Graduate Scholarship, and the Department of Sociology and Anthropology at Carleton University funded the fieldwork on which this chapter builds. A SSHRC-funded Visiting Fellowship at the Program in Agrarian Studies at Yale University gave me the time to write this chapter and others.
Notes
- 1.
Translations are mine; first names are pseudonyms; don, a Spanish term for respect, is capitalized; and generic terms refer to particular, but unnamed, villages, rivers, and towns.
- 2.
A leader of a community council, who represented dozens of communities, spoke to me about easing tensions by conducting a detailed survey of lot ownership using GIS software—an internal cadastral survey.
- 3.
Successful cooperative businesses do exist: A restaurant in Quibdó, the capital of the Chocó, is run by a group of women and serves large lunch crowds. The restaurant, which initially received support from the Canadian International Development Agency, serves not the women who do the cooking, but hungry and paying customers. The presumably steady revenue might account for the store’s apparent success.
- 4.
Workers for the regional utility company were rebuilding the connection to the village using heavy fiberglass pylons in 2013. Mauricio and his neighbors hoped service would be reliable so they could start to pay their new bills. They, however, wanted an amnesty from their old bills.
- 5.
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Tubb, D.G.L. (2018). The Everyday Social Economy of Afro-Descendants in the Chocó, Colombia. In: Hossein, C. (eds) The Black Social Economy in the Americas. Perspectives from Social Economics. Palgrave Macmillan, New York. https://doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-60047-9_6
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