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China’s Perception of and Strategy for the Middle Powers

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Transforming Global Governance with Middle Power Diplomacy
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Abstract

After the 2008 global financial crisis, Chinese diplomacy became more active and assertive, but it retained abstract and normative characteristics. China’s recent assertive diplomacy, however, is evolving into a new level: China has begun to provide and propose concrete agendas and alternatives. This change is posing a significant and realistic challenge to South Korea’s diplomacy. With China’s unexpectedly rapid rise and the USA implementing a rebalancing strategy in Asia, South Korea has recently had to grapple with the growing possibility of having to choose between the two powers in the midst of competitive and conflictual relations. However, now that China has begun to propose a concrete agenda and alternatives, what has been a possibility for the future is now looming as a reality. For example, China has recently taken aim at the US-led Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) by pursuing a Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP). At the Conference on Interaction and Confidence-Building Measures in Asia, China stated that “Asian security must be protected by Asian people”; and China is also requesting South Korea’s participation in the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB), an initiative where the USA has not been invited.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Wang Jisi, The International Positioning of China and the Strategic Principle of “Keeping a Low Profile while Getting Something Accomplished”, International Studies, No. 5 (2009). pp. 4–6.

  2. 2.

    Pew Research Center’s Global Attitudes Project conducted public opinion polls in several regional nations in 2013 to assess the extent of these concerns. In response to the question “How big a problem are territorial disputes between China and your country?” The proportion that said the disputes are a “very big” or a “big” problem was 82 percent in Japan, 90 percent in the Philippines, 62 percent in Indonesia, 36 percent in Malaysia, and 77 percent in South Korea. Richard Wike and Bruce Stokes, “Who Is Up, Who Is Down: Global Views of China and the U.S.,” Pew Research Center, Global Attitudes Project, July 18, 2013, accessed September 10, 2015. http://www.pewglobal.org/2013/07/18/who-is-up-who-is-down-global-views-of-china-the-u-s/.

  3. 3.

    “Xi: Development Paths Should Be Respected,” Xinhua, June 5, 2014.

  4. 4.

    “Seize New Opportunities, Embark on New Path and Write New Chapter—Foreign Minister Wang Yi Talks about President Xi Jinping’s Attendance at BRICS Summit and China-Latin America and the Caribbean Summit, and Visits to Four Latin American Countries,” Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the People’s Republic of China, July 25, 2014, accessed September 10, 2015. http://www.fmprc.gov.cn/mfa_eng/wjdt_665385/zyjh_665391/t1178527.shtml.

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    Qian Hao, “Middle Power Nations and Their Approaches to International Affairs,” World Economics and Politics 6 (2007).

  6. 6.

    Ding Gong, “The Rise of Middle Powers and Their Impacts on Chinese Foreign Policy Planning,” Contemporary International Relations 10 (2011).

  7. 7.

    Yang Xiaohui, “‘Middle Power’ Australia’s Naval Policy and Strength and Its Impact on China,” Journal of Shanghai Jiaotong University (Philosophy and Social Sciences) 21(4) (2013): 43–44.

  8. 8.

    “China’s Military Modernization Poses No Threat to Other Countries,” China Daily, May 5, 2009.

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    Australian Government, Department of Defence, Defence White Paper 2013, May 3, 2013, accessed September 10, 2015. http://www.defence.gov.au/whitepaper/2013/.

  10. 10.

    Wang Min, “East Asian Security under the Shift in Power,” World Economics and Politics 10 (2012): 132–148.

  11. 11.

    “新中国外交60年:务实成熟全方位外交布局的形成” (60 Years of New China Diplomacy: The formation of mature and pragmatic all-round diplomacy layout), China Daily, September 10, 2009.

  12. 12.

    金灿荣 (Jin, Canrong), “中国外交须给予中等强国恰当定位 (Chinese middle power diplomacy to be given proper positioning),” World Outlook 5 (2010): 20–21.

  13. 13.

    Yuan Peng, “Sino-American Relations: New Changes and New Challenges,” Australian Journal of International Affairs 1(61) (2007): 107.

  14. 14.

    Ding Gong, “The Rise of Middle Powers,” 53.

  15. 15.

    Yang, “‘Middle Power,’” 45.

  16. 16.

    “Xi in Call for Building of New ‘Maritime Silk Road,’” China Daily, October 4, 2013.

  17. 17.

    “外交部长王毅谈习近平主席出访:开创周边外交新局,推进亚太区域合作 (The Foreign Minister Wang Yi Talks about Xi Jinping’s visit to Indonesia, Malaysia: Create a New Bureau of Peripheral Diplomacy and Promoting Cooperation in the Asia-Pacific Region),” 『人民日报』(The Peoples Daily), October 9, 2013.

  18. 18.

    Wang Yi, “Exploring the Path of Major-Country Diplomacy With Chinese Characteristics,” Remarks at the Luncheon of the World Peace Forum (27 June 2013, Tsinghua University)

  19. 19.

    왕쉐펑(Wang Xue Feng), “중국의관점에서본 TPP와 RCEP (China’s perception of TPP and RECP),”『성균차이나브리프』(Sungkyun China Brief) 2(2) (2014): 108–111.

  20. 20.

    黄仁伟(Huang Renwei), “美国亚洲战略的再平衡与中国战略优势再评估(The Rebalance of U.S. Asian Strategy and China’s Strategic Advantage),” https://translate.googleusercontent.com/translate_c?depth=1&hl=ko&rurl=translate.google.co.kr&sl=zh-CN&tl=en&u=http://www.aisixiang.com/data/60875.html&usg=ALkJrhiV1bA8UXiaGdpuoLxXcy3lxB3maA Contemporary International Relations, 8 (2012): 35–36.

  21. 21.

    习近平(Xi Jin ping), “新起点新愿景新动力—在金砖国家领导人第六次会晤上的讲话 (New Departure, New Vision and New Impetus—Remarks at the Sixth BRICS Summit),” July 15, 2014, accessed September 10, 2015. http://www.fmprc.gov.cn/mfa_chn/zyxw_602251/t1174958.shtml.

  22. 22.

    Yonhap News, 2014/07/16.

  23. 23.

    Yu Lei and Samshul Khan, “The Theoretical Analysis of Middle Power Strategies at Systematic Global Level—Together with China-Australia Strategic Partnership,” Pacific Journal 22(1) (2014): 49–59.

  24. 24.

    Xiao Yang, “The Strategic Expansion of A ‘Middle Power’—Australian Security Strategy Transformation under ‘Indo-Pacific Strategic Arc’ Perspective ,” Pacific Journal 1(22) (2014): 47–48.

  25. 25.

    William T. Tow, “Deputy Sheriff or Independent Ally? Evolving Australian-American Ties in Ambiguous World Order,” Pacific Review 17(2) (2004): 271–90.

  26. 26.

    Han Xiandong, “The Dilemma of Korea’s Diplomacy: Understanding through a General Framework,” North East Asia Forum 3 (2012): 68–70.

  27. 27.

    胡德坤(Hu Dekun), “中立美国,构建中国海洋周边的睦邻关系 (Neutral United States, Building Good-neighborly relations between China and Ocean Surroundings),”『现代国际关系』(Contemporary International Relations) 8 (2012): 31–33.

  28. 28.

    이동률(Lee Dong Ryul), “중국의초강대국화와한반도의미래(Global Superpower China and Prospects for Korea`s Future),” in 『중국의미래를말하다』 (Global Superpower? Prospects for China’s Future), ed. 이동률 (Lee Dong Ryul) (Seoul: East Asia Institute, 2011), 282.

  29. 29.

    黄仁伟(Huang Renwei), 美国亚洲战略的再平衡与中国战略优势再评估, (The Rebalance of U.S. Asian Strategy and China’s Strategic Advantage『现代国际关系』(Contemporary International Relations) 8 (2012): 35–36.

References

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Lee, D.R. (2016). China’s Perception of and Strategy for the Middle Powers. In: Lee, S. (eds) Transforming Global Governance with Middle Power Diplomacy. Palgrave Macmillan, New York. https://doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-59359-7_4

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