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The Fight for Libya: The Strength of Force, Not of Oil

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Global Perspectives on US Democratization Efforts
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Abstract

The dynamics of US relations with Libya during Muammar Gaddafi’s reign were interesting because of their inconsistency and are worthy of deeper examination. The relationship oscillated between hostility and conciliation throughout this period, and explaining why this might have been so is an important task to undertake. This chapter, then, seeks to critically interrogate the global role of a leading democracy that claims to be the model for the protection of liberty and people’s rights, and particularly in the context of dealing with a state such as Libya.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Steve Stottlemyre, “Tactical flexibility: Libyan foreign policy under Qadhafi, 1969–2004”, Digest of Middle East Studies, Vol. 21, No. 2, 2012, p. 178.

  2. 2.

    Ibid.

  3. 3.

    Ray Takeyh, “Qadhafi’s Libya and the prospect of Islamic succession”, Middle East Policy, Vol. 7, No. 2, February, 2000, p. 155.

  4. 4.

    Steve Stottlemyre, Op. Cit., pp. 179–182.

  5. 5.

    As contained in African Union Constitutive Act 4(h), 2000.

  6. 6.

    Alex De Waal, “African roles in the Libyan conflict of 2011”, International Affairs, Vol. 89, No. 2, 2013, pp. 365–366.

  7. 7.

    Funso Adesola, “Moammar Gaddafi of Libya and the world”, Nigerian Forum, Vol. 24, No. 9–10, September/October, 2003, p. 293.

  8. 8.

    Ibid., p. 297.

  9. 9.

    Ibid., p. 298.

  10. 10.

    Steve Stottlemyre, Op. Cit., pp. 182–185.

  11. 11.

    Ibid., p. 186.

  12. 12.

    Ibid., p. 187.

  13. 13.

    Yahia Zoubir, “The United States and Libya: from confrontation to normalization”, Middle East Policy, Vol. xiii, No. 2, (Summer) 2006, p. 66.

  14. 14.

    Steve Stottlemyre, Op. Cit., p. 187.

  15. 15.

    Ibid., p. 188.

  16. 16.

    Andrew Feinstein, The shadow world: inside the global arms trade, London, Penguin Books, 2012, pp. 489–490; more in Peter Viggo Jakobsen, “Reinterpreting Libya’s wmd turnaround—bridging the carrot-coercion divide”, The Journal of Strategic Studies, Vol. 35, No. 4, August, 2012, p. 497.

  17. 17.

    Andrew Feinstein, Op. Cit., p. 490.

  18. 18.

    Alex De Waal, Op. Cit., p. 366.

  19. 19.

    Andrew Feinstein, Op. Cit., p. 492.

  20. 20.

    Funso Adesola, Op. Cit., p. 291.

  21. 21.

    Yahia Zoubir, Op. Cit., p. 48.

  22. 22.

    Funso Adesola, Op. Cit., p. 291.

  23. 23.

    Yahia Zoubir, Op. Cit., p. 49.

  24. 24.

    Peter Viggo Jakobsen, Op. Cit., p. 499.

  25. 25.

    Yahia Zoubir, Op. Cit., p. 49.

  26. 26.

    Ibid., pp. 51–52.

  27. 27.

    Ibid., p. 53.

  28. 28.

    Ibid., p. 56.

  29. 29.

    William Lewis, “The War on Terrorism: The Libya Case”, The Atlantic Council of the United States Bulletin, Vol. 13, No. 3, April, 2002, p. 2.

  30. 30.

    Yahia Zoubir, Op. Cit., p. 58.

  31. 31.

    Detailed in Ronald Bruce St. John, “Libya is not Iraq”: preemptive strikes, WMD and diplomacy, The Middle East Journal, Vol. 58, No. 3, (Summer) 2004, pp. 386–402.

  32. 32.

    Louis Fisher, “Military operations in Libya: no war? no hostilities?”, Presidential Studies Quarterly, Vol. 42, No. 1, March 2012, p. 176.

  33. 33.

    Ibid.

  34. 34.

    Ibid., p. 178.

  35. 35.

    Alex De Waal, Op. Cit., p. 379.

  36. 36.

    Ibid., p. 367.

  37. 37.

    Ibid.

  38. 38.

    Ibid., pp. 368–372.

  39. 39.

    President Barack Obama’s Address to the nation on Libya—cited in Alex De Waal, Op. Cit., p. 376.

  40. 40.

    Peter Viggo Jakobsen, Op. Cit., pp. 501–502.

  41. 41.

    Ibid.

  42. 42.

    Mark McDonald, “North Korea suggests Libya should have kept nuclear programme”, New York Times, March 25, 2011.

  43. 43.

    Natan Busch and Joseph Pilat, “Disarming Libya? a reassessment after the Arab spring”, International Affairs, Vol. 89, No. 2, 2013, p. 451; pp. 460–461.

  44. 44.

    Ibid., p. 468.

  45. 45.

    Ray Takeyh, Op.Cit., p. 160.

  46. 46.

    Dirk Vandewalle, “The Libyan Jamahiriyya since 1969” in Vandewalle, Dirk, Qadhafi’s Libya, 1969–1994, New York, St. Martin, 1995, p. 29.

  47. 47.

    Ray Takeyh, Op. Cit., p. 158.

  48. 48.

    Ibid.

  49. 49.

    Ibid., p. 159.

  50. 50.

    Wolfram Lacher, “Families, tribes and cities in the Libyan revolution”, Middle East Policy, Vol. 18, No. 4, Winter 2011, p. 141.

  51. 51.

    Ibid.

  52. 52.

    Ibid., p. 142.

  53. 53.

    Hanspeter Mattes, “Formal and informal authority in Libya since 1969”, in Vandewalle, Dirk (ed.), Libya since 1969: Qadhafi’s revolution revisited, Palgrave Macmillan, 2008, pp. 55–81.

  54. 54.

    Ray Takeyh, Op. Cit., pp. 154–155.

  55. 55.

    Wolfram Lacher, Op. Cit., pp. 142–146.

  56. 56.

    Funso Adesola, Op. Cit., pp. 299–300.

  57. 57.

    Ibid.

  58. 58.

    United Nations Security Council Resolution 784—cited in Steve Stottlemyre, Op. Cit., p. 193.

  59. 59.

    Elizabeth Bumiller and Fahim Kareem, “U.S.-led assaults hit Tripoli again: objective is near”, New York Times, March 22, 2011.

  60. 60.

    Louis Fisher, Op. Cit., p. 188.

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Adesola, F. (2016). The Fight for Libya: The Strength of Force, Not of Oil. In: Burt, S., Añorve, D. (eds) Global Perspectives on US Democratization Efforts. Palgrave Macmillan, New York. https://doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-58984-2_8

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