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Reforms and Performance under Yanukovich: 2010–14

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The Political Economy of Independent Ukraine

Part of the book series: Studies in Economic Transition ((SET))

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Abstract

The irony of the above citation is striking. Its reasonableness and concordance with the desires of a growing majority of Ukraine’s population contrast starkly with Yanukovich’s increasingly autocratic and kleptocratic behavior. Its apparent forcefulness makes all the more puzzling his decision to reverse course on the EU and refuse to sign the AA a mere three months later. It is common to dismiss the Yanukovich presidency as a kleptocratic regime that eventually fell to the power of massive popular demonstrations. It was that, yes, but the citation hints that the full story is much more complex and interesting. To start with, one must not forget he won the January 2010 election, deemed to be fair and clean, without the fraud of 2004, and he did so with a very clean majority of more than 3%.

For Ukraine, association with the European Union must become an important stimulus for forming a modern European state. At the same time, we must preserve and continue deepening our relations and process of integration with Russia.

—Viktor Yanukovich, speech at the Festive Celebration of Independence Day, 24 August 2013 (www.president.gov.ua).

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Kuzio, ibid., refers to several optimistic assessments (pp. 209–210) and then goes on to list real actions that belie such optimism.

  2. 2.

    This discussion relies a lot on two thorough assessments of democratic processes: Kuzio (2010) and Haran (2011).

  3. 3.

    Haran (2011, p. 103).

  4. 4.

    Haran (2011, p. 98).

  5. 5.

    http://index.rsf.org, accessed on 12.10.2015.

  6. 6.

    IMF (2012), p. 4.

  7. 7.

    Aslund (2015, pp. 82, 84).

  8. 8.

    Aslund (2009), Matuszak and Sarna (2013), and Kholod (2012) review the details of the program and its implementation. An ex-post-analysis of the program and its limited implementation is found in Akimova (2015).

  9. 9.

    Matuszak and Sarna (2013, p. 9).

  10. 10.

    World Bank, Ease of Doing Business 2014.

  11. 11.

    Aslund (2015) and Skumin (2012).

  12. 12.

    The information in this subsection owes much to Toonders (2013).

  13. 13.

    Ibidem, p. 10.

  14. 14.

    Aslund (2015, p. 93).

  15. 15.

    Table 5.4 and Aslund (2015) Figure 5.2.

  16. 16.

    Guillory (2014).

  17. 17.

    http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Viktor_Yanukovich, accessed 03/10/2015.

  18. 18.

    Private discussions with Ukrainian journalists in 2015 suggested financial threats to his holdings were indeed there, but even bigger was the threat to take Crimea if he signed.

  19. 19.

    Aslund (2013), Chap. 13 provides considerably more detail.

  20. 20.

    Giucci (2013).

  21. 21.

    As cited in Aslund (2015, p. 97).

  22. 22.

    Der Spiegel (2014, p. 12).

  23. 23.

    Aslund (2015, p. 97).

  24. 24.

    This seems to be a reference to a study by the Institute of Economics of the Ukrainian Academy of Sciences, elaborating upon the $ 3 billion/year estimate. Though this was over a period of two decades, even so, it implied a totally implausible annual cost of $30 billion. Personal communications with Ukrainian and European experts on Ukrainian trade issues suggested this implausible analysis was ‘purchased’ from the Institute by none other than Putin’s advisor on Ukraine issues, Sergey Glazyev.

  25. 25.

    Direct quotations are taken from the article in Der Spiegel whose reputable international standing the author takes at face value.

  26. 26.

    This is described further in Chap. 12.

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Havrylyshyn, O. (2017). Reforms and Performance under Yanukovich: 2010–14. In: The Political Economy of Independent Ukraine. Studies in Economic Transition. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-57690-3_7

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