Abstract
This chapter argues that, in contrast to widely held beliefs, militarized behaviour has not been eliminated from the Latin American region and is actually incentivized by the way in which diplomats and scholars approach the security issues facing the region. To substantiate these claims, the first section looks at the empirical record of militarized interstate disputes (MIDs) between Latin American states and demonstrates that the region is not especially peaceful. The second section discusses the causal logic of MID occurrence. The third section examines why the contemporary situation in Latin America does not dissuade militarization but continues to encourage it, particularly via a ‘moral hazard’ mechanism.
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Notes
- 1.
Militarized incidents between states do not include accidental cross-border crossings by military that are not protested by the country whose territory has been violated, nor military violence against criminals/illegal migrants who cross into countries and are attacked by the forces there, unless that home country protests.
- 2.
Comparing the interstate wars and MID databases clearly indicates that very few MIDs worldwide lead to war.
- 3.
Information on the specific incidents that were coded as militarized is found in Militarized Interstate Incident Data, Version 4.0, which can be downloaded from the same page as the MID dataset (see MID 2015).
- 4.
A fuller discussion can be found in my book (Mares 2001).
- 5.
A moral hazard results when a party is endowed with an ‘insurance policy’ that diminishes the risks of a particular activity to a point at which the party perceives such risks to be low enough to engage in the activity; insurance providers seek to minimize moral hazard by excluding such activities from coverage or charging a premium that raises the cost to the insured to a point that dissuades such behaviour.
- 6.
- 7.
My updating of the MID database to 2015 is not yet complete but has occurrences between Nicaragua-Costa Rica, Nicaragua-Colombia, Venezuela-Colombia, Venezuela-Guyana, Dominican Republic-Haiti, and Chile-Peru.
- 8.
Battaglino (2012) argues that democracies that trade with each other and develop regional institutions are the root of South America’s ‘hybrid peace’ in the north and ‘positive peace’ in the south. But, as the Polity IV data demonstrate, many South American democracies do not fulfil the requirements for the democratic peace argument that he references. In terms of trade, the willingness of Venezuela to significantly disrupt the trade, of Bolivia to not sell gas to Chile, and of Argentina to renounce its contracts to supply gas to Chile all indicate that it is not credible to believe that a disruption of trade is a major deterrent to the possibility of militarized conflict. Nor does he address the significant weaknesses of regional institutions that limit their ability to perform the functions expected in the arguments postulating the peace-enhancing attributes of security institutions.
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Mares, D.R. (2017). The Zone of Violent Peace. In: Suarez, M., Villa, R., Weiffen, B. (eds) Power Dynamics and Regional Security in Latin America. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-57382-7_10
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