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The Liberal Peace in Question

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Liberal Peace and Post-Conflict Peacebuilding in Africa

Part of the book series: Rethinking Peace and Conflict Studies ((RCS))

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Abstract

The fourth chapter offers a critical review of literature on the liberal peace agenda and the controversies surrounding liberal peacebuilding. Liberal peace debate relates to the discussion in the relevant literature on the theory and practice of external intervention in post-war societies by international actors. While it is widely acknowledged that the dominant liberal peace model is in crisis and that on the whole, international peacebuilding has not achieved the intended goal of helping war-torn societies transform from states of violent conflict to self-sustaining peace and economic development, the chapter shows that the debate over the liberal peace reflects a polarization between mainstream and critical scholars. Concurring with critical scholars, the chapter argues that it is vital for the international actors to more seriously consider the local context and needs, and the forms of peace that are being produced as ‘the local’ and the international interact, if lasting peace is going to be established in post-conflict situations.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    This study adopts Simmons et al.’s (2008: 2) use of the concept political liberalism to refer to policies aimed at reducing ‘government constraints on political behavior, promote free political exchange, and establish rights to political participation: “democratization”’, and economic liberalism to refer to ‘policies that reduce government constraints on economic behavior and thereby promote economic exchange: marketization’.

  2. 2.

    Chua (2004) has also shown that there is a link between democratization and market liberalization, on one hand, and an increase in ethnic violence and instability, on the other hand. For Chua, where an ethnic minority group dominates, the simultaneous introduction of democratization and free markets exacerbate minority grip on the economy while democratization provides an opportunity for the poor who are in the majority to express their resentment against those ethnic minority groups who dominate the market.

  3. 3.

    Violence associated with elections in Kenya (2007), Zimbabwe (2008), Ivory Coast (2010) and northern Nigeria (2011) have also shown that elections can be highly destabilizing in highly polarized societies.

  4. 4.

    Recent research in the Pacific Islands region – Bougainville (Boege 2010), Timo Leste and the Solomon Islands (Richmond 2011a), and Vanuatu (Brown and Nolan 2008) – shows the effectiveness of customary institutions in conflict resolution and peacebuilding.

  5. 5.

    In Sierra Leone, the term ‘local court’ is sometimes used interchangeably with the term ‘native court’ and these courts are located within chiefdoms. Up to 80 per cent of Sierra Leoneans fall under the jurisdiction of customary laws (Alie 2008).

  6. 6.

    For a critique of Paris’ ‘saving liberal peacebuilding’ argument, see Cooper et al. (2011).

  7. 7.

    For an interesting discussion on motivations for local resistance to international peacebuilding, see Lee (2015).

  8. 8.

    It is crucial to investigate how much is coming out of these societies with the introduction of open markets, particularly, resource-rich countries like Sierra Leone and the DRC.

  9. 9.

    Allan Little cites the respondent’s name as Valnora Jones, however, her correct name is Valnora Edwin. I have changed the name with her consent.

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Tom, P. (2017). The Liberal Peace in Question. In: Liberal Peace and Post-Conflict Peacebuilding in Africa. Rethinking Peace and Conflict Studies. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-57291-2_4

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