Abstract
This chapter highlights how considering the contributions of critical theory would enhance the work of comparative–historical social scientists, by drawing attention to two dimensions that traditionally have been ignored in comparative–historical analysis. First, comparative–historical analysis tends to sideline the question of whether different social, political, cultural, and economic forms may in fact be expressive of an underlying, historical logic that must not be ignored. Second, comparative–historical analysts do not appear to consider that and how their research agenda may be an expression of the specificity of social–historical circumstances they endeavor to illuminate, but which, in a sense, is being objectified via comparative–historical social scientists’ preferred mode of analysis. For the most part, comparative–historical researchers seems to work from the assumption that there is no need for the examination of how their research agendas, questions, and tools are situated in and reflect the societal universe, beyond the scope of particular cases, similarities, and differences.
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Notes
- 1.
- 2.
Regarding Marx and Weber as comparative–historical analysts, see Mahoney and Rueschemeyer (2003: 3); and as “necessary” theorists regarding analyses of capitalism, see Sayer (1991); regarding Marx as a comparative–historical researcher, see Anderson (2010); regarding Weber, see Kalberg (2012); regarding Marx and Weber (as well as Durkheim, who played less of a role in critical theory), see Crow (1997); regarding Durkheim and Weber, see Ragin and Zaret (1983).
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- 4.
Although I will not be able to develop my understanding of the constitutional logic of modern society and explicate its significance to critical theory as well as the social sciences and humanities here (see Dahms in preparation), I should provide two pointers. First, the purpose of the notion is neither consistent with Shils (1972), nor Giddens (1984). Rather, what I have in mind is the actual constitutional logic, as opposed to its idea as it is consistent with prevailing views in and of modern societies. Shils’s and Giddens’s works on the constitution of (modern) society is limited by the desire to delineate modern society’s constitution as we would prefer to conceive of it, in the process by-passing their “dark side.” The purpose of my use is precisely to face this dark side of modern society, as Jeffrey Alexander recently put it, though not in his terms. Second, the concept of the logic of capital as confronted by Marx (see Dahms, 2015) provides a much better indication of what “constitutional logic” refers to: the fact that modern society runs and maintains itself due to its ability to compel its members on a continuous basis to subscribe to notions that are inversely related to the actuality of modern society. Among prominent established social theorists in Germany who are not explicitly linked to critical theory, the project of Günter Dux ([2005] 2011, 2008) provides a suitable indication of what I have in mind, though in a manner that is intended to be entirely consonant with the first generation of Frankfurt School critical theorists, as opposed to the second and third generation associated with Habermas and Honneth.
- 5.
Benhabib (1986), pp. 149–50. To be sure, Frankfurt School critical theory never was a unified body of thought: there are more or less profound differences between the orientations, interests, and specific contributions of all the members of the Institute of Social Research. However, in their self-understanding, they were engaged in the common project of developing a highly complex theory of advanced capitalism, a theory of the kind that only can be achieved in an explicitly interdisciplinary research environment with continuous exchange and critical debate.
- 6.
Regarding the affinities between traditional theory and mainstream approaches, which both refuse to acknowledge how they are embedded in time and space, that is, in concrete socio-historical contexts, and how the latter imposes on both an agenda that may be inversely related, and even opposed, to the stated research objectives, see Dahms (2008, 2011).
- 7.
There is a profound discrepancy between the way in which the members of the first generation of Frankfurt School critical theory were guided, implicitly, by their determination to contribute to reconciliation “between facts and norms” as a process of radical social transformation, and the conception of the relationship between both that provided the frame for Habermas’s ([1992] 1996) notion of deliberative democracy.
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In fact, as long as “one’s own” society continuously is being regarded as one’s primary reference frame, there is no need for the kind of “tuning” into another society that is necessary for the requisite level of familiarity to take hold that is conducive to distinguishing between two incarnations of modern society, as a precondition for recognizing the specificity of each incarnation, on its own terms. In Horkheimer’s case, the initial assumption, later replaced by hope, that Hitler and the National Socialists would not stay in power for more than a few months, had given way to the realization that he and his colleagues would stay in the United States for much longer than initially expected or intended. In Adorno’s case, there was a further delay, since he had held out hope even longer, staying in Oxford until 1938, when he joined the Institute in New York.
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Dahms, H.F. (2017). Critical Theory as Radical Comparative–Historical Research. In: Thompson, M. (eds) The Palgrave Handbook of Critical Theory. Political Philosophy and Public Purpose. Palgrave Macmillan, New York. https://doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-55801-5_8
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