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The Emergence of Esperanto

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Abstract

The author of Esperanto belonged to a persecuted people. Lazar Zamenhof, who in 1887 published his project for an international language, was a Jew living in the Russian Empire, whose four million Jewish inhabitants made up about half of worldwide Jewry. This population continued to suffer discrimination to a degree that the majority of their fellows in Western Europe already regarded as a thing of the past. Zamenhof’s birthplace was Białystok, where Jews, living alongside Poles, Russians, Germans and Belarusians, constituted a majority. Each group had its own language and regarded the other groups with suspicion. It was in this environment that Esperanto came into being.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    David Vital, The Origins of Zionism, Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1975, p. 30 (situation in 1880).

  2. 2.

    In 1897, there were 47,783 Jews living in Białystok, namely 75 % of the total inhabitants: Rebecca Kobrin, Jewish Bialystok and Its Diaspora, Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2010, p. 14 (see Kobrin’s comments on Zamenhof at pp. 52–4).

  3. 3.

    Orig II 923 (the letter to Borovko was published in 1896, but we do not know when Zamenhof actually wrote it). On Białystok, see Maimon (1978), p. 17 and following.

  4. 4.

    Itō Kanzi (1982), p. 103.

  5. 5.

    Letter to Michaux, 21 February 1905, Orig II 1436–46 (quotations pp. 1437–38). The letter to Michaux and other letters and statements important to an understanding of Zamenhof’s thought are conveniently brought together in MEH (this quotation: pp. 99–106).

  6. 6.

    In Białystok, Marcus Zamenhof taught in a state school for Jews. Later he became one of three Jews working in Warsaw as secondary school teachers. See Korĵenkov (2011), pp. 32–3, 41–3.

  7. 7.

    Maimon (1978), p. 31.

  8. 8.

    Orig II 1442. Compare the statement of Vladimir Jabotinsky, a later Zionist leader, on his loving relationship with Russian culture (1903): Slezkine (2004), p. 69. In his youth Jabotinsky learned Esperanto. See also Künzli (2010), pp. 79–80.

  9. 9.

    Orig II 923.

  10. 10.

    [Isidore Harris], ‘Esperanto and Jewish ideals: Interview for the Jewish Chronicle with Dr. Zamenhof’, The Jewish Chronicle, 6 September 1907, pp. 16–18 (esp. p. 16).

  11. 11.

    Orig II 924.

  12. 12.

    According to Maimon (1978), p. 66, citing an article in a Hebrew journal in 1947, Zamenhof made this comment to the Yiddish writer A. Litvin. In 1889 Zamenhof named the confusion of languages ‘one of the great misfortunes of humanity’: Orig I 243.

  13. 13.

    Orig II 926.

  14. 14.

    Orig II 927.

  15. 15.

    Friends of Zion. The movement was also named Hibbat Zion (Love for Zion).

  16. 16.

    The brochure appeared in German in Berlin in September 1882.

  17. 17.

    Vital, Origins, pp. 122–32.

  18. 18.

    Orig II 1442. The observation was, however, made in the context of his description of his childhood in Białystok.

  19. 19.

    See Ewa Geller, ‘Die vielfach verkannte Jiddische Grammatik des Ludwik Zamenhof’, in Marion Aptroot and others (ed.), Leket: Yidishe shtudyes haynt/Jiddistik heute/Yiddish Studies Today, Düsseldorf: Düsseldorf University Press, 2012, pp. 393–414.

  20. 20.

    In his interview for The Jewish Chronicle Zamenhof recounted that he proposed such a plan in a meeting of 15 of his fellow students: Maimon (1978), p. 168.

  21. 21.

    According to Privat, however, Zamenhof began to return to his language project as early as August 1881. See Privat (2007), p. 48.

  22. 22.

    Stephen M. Berk, Year of Crisis, Year of Hope: Russian Jewry and the Pogroms of 1881–1882, Westport CT & London: Praeger, 1985, p. 127.

  23. 23.

    Maimon (1978), pp. 101, 169. In August 1883, this student group joined the general society of Hibbat Zion in Warsaw and soon became the most active of all the groups: Vital, Origins, p. 152.

  24. 24.

    Zamenhof at first pleaded for settlement in the USA, because in the USA cosmopolitanism was in effect guaranteed, while Palestine, if needed, ‘would not be lost for us’. Later he was converted to the idea of a Jewish state in Palestine. The contributions to Razsvet were most recently translated in MEH, pp. 5–26 (quotation p. 21).

  25. 25.

    Orig II 1441.

  26. 26.

    Zamenhof also came to the conclusion that a return to Palestine was an unrealizable dream. He did not join the great Zionist movement of Theodor Herzl, founded in 1897.

  27. 27.

    Orig II 1433.

  28. 28.

    Orig I 84.

  29. 29.

    Orig I 82.

  30. 30.

    Orig I 138.

  31. 31.

    Aldono al la ‘Dua Libro de l’ Lingvo Internacia’ (1888), Orig I 190.

  32. 32.

    Orig I 188.

  33. 33.

    First Book (Unua Libro), Orig I 83.

  34. 34.

    Maimon (1978), pp. 143–9, 151–9; Holzhaus (1969), pp. 7–18.

  35. 35.

    Z. Adam (Adam Zakrzewski), Historio de Esperanto 1887–1912, Warsaw: Gebethner & Wolf, 1913 (reprinted Warsaw: Pola Esperanto-Asocio, 1979), p. 10.

  36. 36.

    Reinhard Bendix, Kings or People: Power and the Mandate to Rule, Berkeley: University of California Press, p. 543. On Tsarist censorship generally, see Charles A. Ruud, Fighting Words: Imperial Censorship and the Russian Press, 1804–1906, Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1982. See also Heinz-Dietrich Löwe, The Tsars and the Jews: Reform, Reaction and Anti-Semitism in Imperial Russia, 1772–1917, Chur, Switzerland: Harwood, 1983.

  37. 37.

    Ĥvorostin (1972): 37–46, 79–88; see also Holzhaus (1969), pp. 274–317. On the development of the Esperanto movement under censorship in Tsarist Russia and the Soviet Union, see the Russian-language study by D.V. Vlasov, Ėsperanto: polveka tsenzury (Esperanto: a half-century under censorship) Moscow: Impėto, 2011, and also his Istoriia primeneniia ėsperanto v Rossii: Pechat‘, radioveshchanie, perepiska, samizdat (History of the application of Esperanto in Russia: press, radio, correspondence, samizdat), Moscow: Impėto, 2014.

  38. 38.

    Facsimile and Esperanto translation in Holzhaus (1969), pp. 292–305, 310–12.

  39. 39.

    Ĥvorostin (1972), p. 38; Holzhaus (1969), pp. 306–13.

  40. 40.

    Maimon (1978), pp. 152–6. Korĵenkov (2011), pp. 51–4, questions Maimon’s analysis.

  41. 41.

    Letter to Vladimir Majnov, Orig I 411.

  42. 42.

    The definite article was dropped from the title of the journal as of April 1892.

  43. 43.

    Waringhien (1990), p. 18.

  44. 44.

    Ĥvorostin (1972), p. 39.

  45. 45.

    Ĥvorostin (1972), p. 38. On experiences with the Tsarist censorship we also have the remembrances of the Russian pioneers Gernet and Deviatnin: L. Ivn, ‘Ad fontes. Intervjuo kun k-do V. Gernet’, Sennacieca Revuo 4/8 (1926–27):  166–7. On obscurities in the interview, see Canko Murgin, ‘Lumo sur iom nebulitan epizodon’, Bulgara Esperantisto 46 (1977): 8–9; V.N. Devjatnin, ‘El rememoroj de malnova esperantisto’, La Nova Etapo 1 (1932): 125–7.

  46. 46.

    Drezen (1931b), pp. 85–6.

  47. 47.

    Cf. David L. Gold, ‘Towards a study of possible Yiddish and Hebrew influence on Esperanto’, in István Szerdahelyi (ed.), Miscellanea Interlinguistica, Budapest: Tankönyvkiadó, 1980, pp. 300–67 (esp. pp. 311–12). According to Garvía (2015), p. 76, of the 919 Russians listed in the first address list (1889) 64 % lived in the so-called Pale of Settlement. Esther Schor has observed that in this address list almost 200 of these Esperantists had Jewish names (personal communication, 4 March 2015). According to statistics kept by the Soviet Esperantist Union (SEU), the percentage of Jews among its members exceeded 11 % (Bulteno de CK SEU 11 [1932]: 71). The total for the whole population was only 2.4 %.

  48. 48.

    Gernet, a pioneer of Esperanto in Odessa, was expelled from the university and arrested for anti-government activity.

  49. 49.

    Ivn, p. 167.

  50. 50.

    Letter of 9 May 1894, printed in Esperantisto 5 (1894): 99–100; PVZ III 182–3. Cf. Boris Kolker, ‘Lev Tolstoj kaj la Internacia Lingvo’, Esperanto 71 (1978): 172–5.

  51. 51.

    Text of the (secret) document in G. Demidiuk, ‘“Ėsperanto – vovse ne iazyk!’” (‘Esperanto is in no way a language!’), Izvestiia TsK SĖSR 6 (1928): 330–3 (citation p. 332).

  52. 52.

    Esperantisto 6 (1895): 27.

  53. 53.

    The article is in the form of a letter from Tolstoy to Anna Germanovna Rozen, 8 December 1894. It appears in L.N. Tolstoy, Polnoe sobranie sochinenii, vol. 67, pp. 274–7.

  54. 54.

    ‘Reason and Religion’, in Leo Tolstoy, Essays and Letters, trans. Aylmer Maude, London: Grand Richards, 1903, p. 159. Cf. Esperantisto 6 (1895): 28–30 (citing p. 30); Holzhaus (1969), pp. 284–5.

  55. 55.

    Esperantisto 6 (1895): 31.

  56. 56.

    Esperantisto 6 (1895): 44, 48.

  57. 57.

    PVZ III 215-220; Holzhaus (1969), pp. 285–6.

  58. 58.

    In December 1895 in Uppsala, a new journal, Lingvo Internacia, was launched. Until the First World War it was the principal organ of the Esperantists. Later, in 1912, Posrednik published a booklet containing several of Tolstoy’s works in Esperanto translation.

  59. 59.

    Ivan Kulakov, ‘Leo Tolstoj, Esperanto kaj rusia ĝendarmaro’, Paco, 1983, GDR edition, pp. 31–2 (including a reproduction of the instruction to the local gendarmes in Voronezh).

  60. 60.

    The author was the Catholic priest Aleksandras Dambrauskas (Dombrovski), condemned in 1889 to five years’ internal exile in northern Russia for forbidding his Catholic pupils from obeying an order to attend services in the Russian Orthodox church. Until his death in 1938 he played an outstanding part in the Esperanto movement and general cultural life of Lithuania: J. Petrulis, ‘Unuaj esperantistoj en Litovio’, Horizonto de Soveta Litovio, 1971, 2: 14; Kl. Naudzius, ‘Ĉu vere peripetioj?’, l’omnibuso 9 (1972), 6 (52): 4. See also A. Dombrovski, Malgrandaj pensoj pri grandaj demandoj. Artikolaro kaj leteraro, Kovno: Sokolovski & Estrin, 1908.

  61. 61.

    It was only after the Second World War that it was discovered that his real name was Louis Chevreux. See T. Carlevaro, ‘La enigmo de Beaufront’, Literatura Foiro 7 (1976), 37/38: 10–13; Marcel Delcourt & Jean Amouroux, ‘Grandeco kaj dekadenco. Fino de mito’, Literatura Foiro 7 (1976), 40: 6–7; 8 (1977), 41: 12.

  62. 62.

    Lingvo Internacia 10 (1905): 372.

  63. 63.

    Maksimiljano Blassberg, ‘D-ro Benedikto Dybowski’, Esperanto 19 (1923): 201–2. Dybowski was ultimately condemned to several years of exile in Siberia.

  64. 64.

    His real name was Leopold Blumental. See Banet-Fornalowa (2003), pp. 14–71.

  65. 65.

    Kamarýt (1983), pp. 13–20.

  66. 66.

    Peter Brock, Pacifism in Europe to 1914, Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1972, p. 466; Pavel Rosa, Situacio de Esperanto en Slovaka Socialisma Respubliko, Bratislava: Asocio de Esperantistoj en Slovaka Socialisma Respubliko, 1977, pp. 2–5. Škarvan, together with the Russian N.P. Evstifeev, published the first Esperanto textbook for Slovaks, that is a Slovak translation of Fundamento de Esperanto (1907).

  67. 67.

    Waringhien (1948), vol. 1, p. 3.

  68. 68.

    Orig II 981. In this work Zamenhof also makes a passionate plea for consideration of the principle of social equality, contrasting Latin, the language of the higher classes, with Esperanto, a language accessible within a few months to ‘even the poorest and least educated peasants’ (Orig II 1008).

  69. 69.

    Possibly Zamenhof himself intentionally led people to believe that this was so: Itō Kanzi (1982), p. 109; see also Korĵenkov (2011), p. 140. The document appeared first under the pseudonym Unuel, in Fundamenta Krestomatio (1903), later reprinted in Orig II 973–1026. On its significance see Marc Bavant, ‘Kritika retrorigardo al la “tezoj” de Esenco kaj estonteco’, in Blanke & Lins (2010), pp. 415–25.

  70. 70.

    L. de Beaufront, ‘El Francujo’, Lingvo Internacia 2 (1897): 145–8 (quoted from p. 147). René Lemaire made a similar argument: ‘Le mouvement espérantiste et le mouvement pacifique’, L’Espérantiste 1 (1898):  86–8, 111–3.

  71. 71.

    His well-known work was also published in Esperanto translation as La juda ŝtato. Provo de moderna solvo de la juda problemo, Budapest: Literatura Mondo, 1934.

  72. 72.

    Waringhien (1948), vol. 1, p. 24, claims that de Beaufront and Bourlet were opposed to Dreyfus, while Sebert, Moch and Émile Javal defended him.

  73. 73.

    ‘Ĝeneralaj observoj pri la regularo [de Societo Esperantista por la Paco]’, Espero Pacifista 1 (1905): 26–27. According to Moch, it was dangerous ‘to present to the people a double “utopia”’.

  74. 74.

    Listed among the members of the Esperantist Society for Peace, founded in 1905, are the leading French Esperantists Boirac, Bourlet, Cart, Chavet, Fruictier, Grosjean-Maupin, Javal, Sebert and Michaux.

  75. 75.

    ‘Ĝeneralaj observoj’, p. 27.

  76. 76.

    L. de Beaufront, ‘Pri la Tutmonda Ligo Esperantista’, reprinted in La neforgeseblaj kongresoj, Kyoto: Ludovikito, 1984, pp. 42–8 (quotation p. 42). We should note, however, that the reasons for de Beaufront’s opposition were more complicated: see Waringhien (1948), vol. 1, pp. 143, 156, 166 and following.

  77. 77.

    Bein (pen name Kabe), one of the greatest Esperanto stylists, was exiled for several years as a young man because of anti-Russian activities. (In 1911 he left the Esperanto movement.)

  78. 78.

    Kongresinto (Pierre Boulet), ‘La Kongreso en Boulogne-sur-Mer’, reprinted in La neforgeseblaj kongresoj, pp. 72–100 (quotation p. 91).

  79. 79.

    Text in EeP, pp. 418–20.

  80. 80.

    Leo Belmont proposed including such a reference. The Declaration did indeed contain the suggestion that Esperanto ‘could serve as a pacifying language of public institutions in those countries where various nations fight internally over language’—a formula that was aimed in the first instance at the situation in the Russian Empire.

  81. 81.

    Also, there were always many who ‘with E[speranto] completed their collection of manias: spiritism, opposition to alcohol or sex or vivisection’: Waringhien (1959), p. 405.

  82. 82.

    Harris, ‘Esperanto and Jewish ideals’, p. 16.

  83. 83.

    Letter of 28 March 1901, Orig II 1208.

  84. 84.

    Zamenhof believed that the unique ‘religious nationalism’ of the Jews barred them from ‘all intercommunication with the surrounding world’: Hilelismo (1901), Orig II 1154.

  85. 85.

    Letter to Michaux, 21 Feb. 1905, Orig II 1438, 1440.

  86. 86.

    Gomo Sum (= Zamenhof), Gillelizm. Proekt resheniia evreiskago voprosa, Saint Petersburg: Sklad’, 1901. Reprinted, with an Esperanto translation, by Adolf Holzhaus, Helsinki: Fondumo Esperanto, 1972. French translation (by Pierre Janton): Lazare Louis Zamenhof, Le hillélisme: Projet de solution de la question juive, Clermont-Ferrand: Université Blaise-Pascal, 1995. ‘Hilelismo’ is derived from Hillel, a Jewish sage of Jerusalem (c. 30 B.C.–10 A.D.).

  87. 87.

    Waringhien (1990), p. 66.

  88. 88.

    On the significance of Hillelism, also its echo among Jews, see Korĵenkov (2011), pp. 157–73.

  89. 89.

    The extremely revealing letter to Michaux, for example, appears only in corrupt form in EdE (pp. 579–82); cf. G. Waringhien, ‘Enkonduko’, in Maimon (1978), p. 9.

  90. 90.

    Orig II 1439.

  91. 91.

    Letter to Émile Javal, 24 Sept. 1905, Orig II 1601–2. The split between a particularist and universal orientation constitutes a basic dilemma in Jewish culture: see S.N. Eisenstadt, Jewish Civilization: The Jewish Historical Experience in a Comparative Perspective, Albany, NY: State University of New York Press, 1992.

  92. 92.

    Letter to Michaux, 5 Jan. 1905, Orig II 1420.

  93. 93.

    So called by Bourlet, according to Waringhien (1948), vol. 1, p. 175.

  94. 94.

    Letter from Javal, 15 Oct. 1905, PVZ X 197. As Javal also wrote, ‘We needed admirable discipline to hide your origins from the public.’

  95. 95.

    Letter to Javal, 25 Oct.1905, Orig II 1614.

  96. 96.

    Orig II 1673–82.

  97. 97.

    Orig II 1695–1705.The brochure appeared in Saint Petersburg in two languages, once again anonymously.

  98. 98.

    Orig II, p. 1695.

  99. 99.

    Waringhien (1948), vol. 1, p. 258; Forster (1982), p. 95.

  100. 100.

    A. Dombrovski, ‘Kelkaj rimarkoj pri hilelismo’, Ruslanda Esperantisto 2 (1906): 49–50; ‘Kio do estas la homaranismo’, Ruslanda Esperantisto 2 (1906): 133–5, reprinted in La neforgeseblaj kongresoj, Kyoto: Ludovikito, 1984, pp. 134–6, 139–44; L. de Beaufront, in L’Espérantiste 9 (1906): 65–7, 86, partially reprinted in Waringhien (1948), vol. 1, pp. 257–8, 262, 277–8. For Zamenhof’s replies see: Orig II 1729–39, 1768–71.

  101. 101.

    Letter to Javal, 23 April 1906, Orig II 1723. Likewise, another letter to Javal, 15 Aug. 1906, Orig II 1778.

  102. 102.

    Orig II 1787.

  103. 103.

    Orig II 1783. Zamenhof referred to pogroms in, among other places, Białystok and the Caucasus.

  104. 104.

    Orig II 1787.

  105. 105.

    Oficiala Gazeto Esperantista 1 (1908/09): 216–7; Waringhien (1948), vol. 1, p. 287–8.

  106. 106.

    He elaborated further on the role of the congresses in his speech in Cambridge (1907): Orig III 1928–34.

  107. 107.

    See Forster (1982), pp. 95–101.

  108. 108.

    Vortoj de profesoro Th. Cart, Jaslo: Esperantista Voĉo, 1927, pp. 103, 107–8.

  109. 109.

    Vitas Adomėnas, ‘Unua esperantisto en Litovio’ [on A. Dambrauskas, see above, p. 17, note 60], Litova Stelo 1 (1991), 1: 17.

  110. 110.

    Internacia Socia Revuo 1 (1907), 8/9: 24. See also the report presented to the congress (in Amsterdam): Émile Chapelier & Gassy Marin, Anarchists and the International Language Esperanto, London: Freedom Press, 1908.

  111. 111.

    Müller & Benton (2006), pp. 48–55.

  112. 112.

    Karolo Marks kaj Frederiko Engels, Manifesto de la Komunista Partio, trans. Arturo Baker, Chicago: Charles H. Kerr, 1908.

  113. 113.

    J. Baudouin de Courtenay, ‘Zur Kritik der künstlichen Weltsprachen’ (1907), reprinted in Reinhard Haupenthal (ed.), Plansprachen. Beiträge zur Interlinguistik, Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 1976, pp. 59–110 (quotation p. 105). In 1915 the Tsarist police briefly arrested Baudouin de Courtenay over a brochure in which he criticized the suppression of national minorities.

  114. 114.

    Ĵirkov (1931), p. 30. On the Ido schism see Waringhien (1948), vol. 2, pp. 3–152; Waringhien (1980), pp. 149–64; Forster (1982), pp. 110–41; Gordin (2015), pp. 134–48.

  115. 115.

    H. Hodler,‘Kompreni kaj apliki’, Esperanto 5 (1909), 53 (20 April): 1.

  116. 116.

    H. Hodler, Esperantism, Geneva: Universala Esperantia Librejo, 1911, p. 9.

  117. 117.

    Privat (1927/1982), vol. 2, p. 72.

  118. 118.

    H. Hodler, ‘La agado de U.E.A.’, Esperanto 8 (1912): 242.

  119. 119.

    H. Hodler, ‘La socia signifo de U.E.A.’, Esperanto 6 (1910), 78 (20 May): 1.

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Lins, U. (2016). The Emergence of Esperanto. In: Dangerous Language — Esperanto under Hitler and Stalin. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-54917-4_1

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