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Fame’s Two Trumpets

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Book cover Days of Glory?

Part of the book series: War, Culture and Society, 1750-1850 ((WCS))

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Abstract

The subversive devices of caricature give insight into the degrees of disgrace, disorder and infamy that accrue to the showing of military engagement in the service of the French nation. The frequent pairing in visual pendants of a going off to war with an ignominious coming back from warfare suggests, furthermore, the negative effects of warmongering on civil society. Even though they are couched within the mediating mechanisms of an idealising neoclassical aesthetic, satirical views and scenes dealing with the soldier’s return fail to live up to the aspirations of the opening lines of the Marseillaise.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Virgil, Aeneid, Book IV, lines 173–97. Whilst this volume was in press, I have become familiar with Maureen Warren (2016) ‘Fame’s Two Trumpets: Portrait Prints and Politics in Early Modern Europe’, in Van Dyck, Rembrandt and the Portrait Print, Exhibition Catalogue (Chicago: The Art Institute), pp. 72–85.

  2. 2.

    J. Baudoin (1644) Iconologie, ou Explication nouvelle de plusieurs images, emblèmes et autres figures hyéroglyphiques des vertus, des vices, des arts, des sciences…œuvre augmentée d’une seconde partie; necessaire à toute sorte d’esprits… (Paris: M. Guillemot), 2, p. 80. The fourth roundel of Fig. 5.1 has been annotated with a drawn sketch.

  3. 3.

    S. Butler (1967) Hudibras, J. Wilders (ed.) (Oxford: Clarendon Press), second part, canto I. 69–76, p. 102; Voltaire (1970) La Pucelle, in J. Vercruysse (ed.) Œuvres complètes de Voltaire, (Oxford: The Voltaire Foundation), VII, pp. 369–71.

  4. 4.

    Evidently with less scurrility and without the trumpet poking out of a naked backside, the forms of this figure flying on a cloud may be close to that of the Baroque theatre and its use of stage machinery. For the use of clouds in painting, see H. Damisch (1972) Théorie du nuage pour une histoire de la peinture (Paris: Seuil).

  5. 5.

    For more on this print, see K. Herding (1988) ‘Visual Codes in the Graphic Art of the French Revolution’, in French Caricature and the French Revolution, 1789–1799, Exhibition Catalogue (Los Angeles: Grunwald Center for the Graphic Arts, Wight Art Gallery), pp. 83–100; 86–7.

  6. 6.

    See further J-C. Bonnet (1998) Naissance du Panthéon: Essai sur le culte des grands hommes (Bagneux: Fayard).

  7. 7.

    J-M. Boyer-Brun (1792) Histoire des caricatures (Paris: Journal du people), I, p. 7.

  8. 8.

    Boyer-Brun, Histoire des caricatures, I, p. 8.

  9. 9.

    See further A. de Baecque (1993) ‘The Citizen in Caricature: Past and Present’, in R. Waldinger, P. Dawson and I. Woloch (eds) The French Revolution and the Meaning of Citizenship (Westport and London: Greenwood Press), pp. 23–45. For further on the caricatures of the French Revolution, see A. de Baecque (1988) La Caricature révolutionnaire (Paris: Presses du CNRS); C. Langlois (1988) La Caricature contre-révolutionnaire (Paris: Presses du CNRS); R. Reichardt and H. Kohle (2008) Visualizing the Revolution: Politics and the Pictorial Arts in Late Eighteenth-Century France (London: Reaktion Books).

  10. 10.

    J. Madival and E. Laurent (1867–) Archives Parlementaires de 1787 à 1860: Recueil complet des débats législatifs et politiques des chambres françaises (Paris: Dupont),VIII, p. 350.

  11. 11.

    The abolition of monastic vows was decreed in the National Assembly on 13 February 1790, see Madival and Laurent, Archives Parlementaires, XI, pp. 585–92.

  12. 12.

    During the 1780s in England, both Henry Bunbury and Thomas Rowlandson made much of the business of army recruitment in scenes which sketch out the physical and vestmental differences between a motley assortment of new recruits and their upright, prim and polished recruiting sergeants, see P. de Voogd (1996) ‘De Raphaël der carricatuurteekenaars’, Henry William Bunbury 1750-1811 (Enschede Rijksmuseum Twenthe); J. Hayes (1972) Rowlandson: Watercolours and Drawings (London: Phaidon Press).

  13. 13.

    Langlois, La Caricature contre-révolutionnaire, p. 8.

  14. 14.

    [L. E. de Champcenetz and A. de Rivarol] (1790) Petit Dictionnaire des grands hommes de la revolution (Paris: Imprimerie nationale).

  15. 15.

    [de Champcenetz and de Rivarol] Petit Dictionnaire, pp. viii-xi:

    ‘Quel spectacle admirable pour l’armée Française, que de voir quatre mille guerriers, défenseurs nés de la majesté du trône, abjurer un si vil métier, donner le signal d’une noble desertion & préférer les aumônes de la populace à la solde d’un grand roi! Il semble que la renommée ait attaché une gloire particulière à ces illustres fugitives. Ce qui fit jadis leur honte, les immortalise aujourd’hui; et si la guerre calme leur courage, l’anarchie en fait des héros.’

  16. 16.

    For the celebrations of some guardsmen as heroes for their attack on the Bastille, see R. Reichardt (2009) L’Imagerie révolutionnaire de la Bastille: collections du Musée Carnavalet (Paris: Nicolas Chaudun), pp. 25–9; 82–6.

  17. 17.

    De Baecque, La Caricature révolutionnaire, pp. 199–209.

  18. 18.

    For the tapestries from which the print series derived, see K. Scott (1995) The Rococo Interior: Decoration and Social Spaces in Early Eighteenth-Century Paris (New Haven and London: Yale University Press), pp. 182–4.

  19. 19.

    For another pertinent analysis of this print and a related caricature, La Contre Révolution (Paris, Bibliothèque nationale) showing the émigré army led by Condé going off to attack the rock of the French Constitution, lemming-like and destined to drown in the Rhine, see French Caricature and the French Revolution, 1789–1799, Exhibition catalogue, pp. 208–10.

  20. 20.

    For Richard Newton, see D. Alexander (1998) Richard Newton and English Caricature in the 1790s (Manchester: Manchester University Press), cat. No. 70. Other British artists and printmakers, such as Thomas Rowlandson, James Gillray and George Morland, frequently responded to the topical issue of military sign-up and going off to war as in, for instance, James Gillray John Bull’s Progress (3 June 1793) (London, British Museum).

  21. 21.

    S. Turner, ‘Samuel William Fores’, H. C. G. Matthew and B. Harrison (eds) Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (Oxford: Oxford University Press), XX, pp. 363–4.

  22. 22.

    For the history of the guillotine, see D. Arasse (1987) La Guillotine dans la Révolution (Vizille: Musée de la Révolution française), p. 38.

  23. 23.

    Caricatures by James Gillray can be even crueller, but much of their ostensibly French subject matter feeds off the political situation in England. See, for instance the caricature entitled ALECTO and her Train, at the Gate of Pandaemonium;—or—The Recruiting Sarjeant Enlisting John Bull into the Revolution Service (London, British Museum) that was published on 9 July 1791 and which targets the Whig grandee, Charles James Fox. John Bull’s Progress (London, British Museum), of 3 June 1793, has a volunteer recruit leaving the comforts of hearth and home only to return to destitution, disablement and desolation.

    This is something in the manner of Greuze’s earlier and sentimental genre scenes of Le Fils ingrat and Le Fils puni, although Gillray is also making an obvious tribute to Hogarth’s A Harlot’s Progress of 1732 and A Rake’s Progress of 1735. The biting satire here is of the British yeomanry within the context of the parlous state of the British nation.

  24. 24.

    See further, B. Baczko (1989) Comment sortir de la Terreur: Thermidor et la Révolution (Paris: Gallimard), pp. 116–35.

  25. 25.

    For further on censorship of the press during the Terror, see H. Gough (1988) The Newspaper Press in the French Revolution (London: Routledge), pp. 86–117; for decrees against the production of subversive print material and the curtailing of the production of caricatures, see de Baeque, La Caricature révolutionnaire, pp. 30–1; 37; for the sudden termination of right-wing counter-revolutionary caricature in the summer of 1792, see Langlois, La Caricature contre-révolutionnaire, p. 13. Amongst those executed was the journalist de Champcenetz, co-author of the Petit Dictionnaire des grands hommes cited above and the print publishers Boyer-Brun and Michel Wébert. For the trial of Wébert, see A. Duprat (2001) ‘Le Commerce de la librairie Wébert à Paris sous la Révolution’, Dix-Huitième Siècle, 33, 357–66. After coming under suspicion for publishing seditious counter-revolutionary material in Paris, Wébert enrolled as a gunner in a regiment stationed in Lille where he was arrested, brought back to Paris, interrogated, put on trial and then executed on 30 May 1794. That someone who actively promoted the royalist cause could use military service as a cover, at least for a short time and until concerted efforts to find him were enforced, suggests that the revolutionary fervour of the troops was not that ubiquitous nor all that to the fore.

  26. 26.

    Doctor Dicaculus de Louvain [P-J-B. Chaussard] (1797–98, an VII) Le nouveau Diable boiteux: Tableau philosophique et moral de Paris (Paris: Buisson), pp. 208–9:

    ‘Les caricatures anglaises, à l’exception des compositions d’Hogarth, sont des bambochades crapuleuses. Je vois dans ces caricatures l’absence des arts, le besoin de distraction honteuse, l’habitude des tavernes, et la licence des mœurs nationales. Les vices des Anglais sont grossiers, ceux des Français sont polis.

    Les autres peuples n’ont pas assez de liberté pour avoir des caricatures. Ce genre de composition pronostique un mouvement dans les esprits et bientôt dans l’état. M’expliquerai-je entièrement? Pérorer sur la place publique ou exposer une caricature me paroît une meme chose. Encore y a-t-il un avantage du côté de la caricature. Son effet est à la fois prolongé et multiplié. Il frappe, et dans plusieurs endroits et plus long-temps.’

  27. 27.

    L. S. Mercier (1797–98, an VII) Le Nouveau Paris (Paris: Fuchs, Ch. Pougens et Ch.Fr Cramer Libraires), III, ch. XCIV, p. 165:

    ‘Ces peintures naïves de nos ridicules, de nos folies, de nos travers, de nos vices, n’excitent que le sourire passager d’un peuple volage qui s’étudie dans sa mise, qu’il varie à chaque instant du jour, à faire la charge même du ridicule dont on lui offre le fidèle miroir. Qui le croiroit? L’estampe des incroyables a généralisé les oreilles de chien: c’est ainsi que les journaux ineptes, frondeurs du républicanisme, ont fait beaucoup de républicains.’

  28. 28.

    The details of this uniform are given in G. Le Diberder (1989) Les Armées françaises à l’époque révolutionnaire (1789–1804) (Arcueil Collections du Musée de l’Armée), p. 65.

  29. 29.

    See further Au Temps des merveilleuses: La Société parisienne sous le Directoire et le Consulat ((2005) Exhibition catalogue (Paris: Paris-Musées), p. 70.

  30. 30.

    See also A. Aulard (1898–1902) Paris pendant la réaction thermidorienne et sous le Directoire (Paris: Léopold Cerf), I, p. 589.

  31. 31.

    Dictionnaires d’autrefois (2011) from Dictionnaire de l’Académie Française (1798 [edn 1798]), http://artflx.uchicago.edu/cgi-bin/dicos/pubdico1look.pl?strippedhw=endosser, accessed 22 June 2015. Today, capote is used in French for condom.

  32. 32.

    Dictionnaires d’autrefois (2011b), from Dictionnaire de l’Académie Française (1694), http://artflx.uchicago.edu/cgi-bin/dicos/pubdico1look.pl?strippedhw=faction, accessed 22 June 2015.

  33. 33.

    La Sentinelle, 13 thermidor an III (31 July 1795), cited in Aulard, Paris pendant la reaction thermidorienne, II, p. 125: ‘Impossible, la nouvelle! impossible, inventée! les thé-mido-iens! pour leu-fête! inc-oyable, ce petit M. Tallien! inc-oyable! in homme de –ien! té-o-iste aussi! de la faction! Faut pou-tant a –êter ça! Faud-a-ben! La jeunesse! aux a-mes! sans quoi la té-eur! pa-ole panachée; la té-eur! Ces b-aves déba-qués se seraient jamais rendus sans la té-eur. C’est la té-eur que ça! La té-eur!’

    Jean-Lambert Tallien had been instrumental in bringing about the downfall of Robespierre. See further Au Temps des merveilleuses, Exhibition catalogue, p. 15.

  34. 34.

    Au Temps des merveilleuses, p. 70.

  35. 35.

    For the biography of Madame Tallien, or Thérésia Cabarrus, see Au Temps des merveilleuses, Exhibition Catalogue, pp. 76–83; also M-H. Bourquin (1987) Monsieur et Madame Tallien (Paris: Librairie Académique Perrin). Born in Madrid, the daughter of a rich banker of French origin, François Cabarrus, she married at the age of 14 the libertine marquis de Fontenay in Paris in 1788. Soon separated from her first husband, she mixed with members of the court and liberal élite, actively intervening to save many lives during the Terror. She met Tallien in Bordeaux in 1793 and followed him back to Paris on his recall. Arrested at Versailles, she was put into the prison of La Force in Paris. Her impending execution may well have prompted Tallien to take his own decisive part in the downfall of Robespierre. Gillray’s print of 1796, La Belle Espagnole, ou la Doublure de Madame Tallien (London, British Museum) shows her with a full head of black curls, standing alluringly in a printed muslin dress, slit to the thigh and with a very low décolletage. Another Gillray print of 1805 Ci-devant occupations—or—Madame Talian and the Empress Josephine dancing naked before Barrass in the winter of 1797 (London, British Museum) has Bonaparte peeping at the dancing women from behind a screen.

  36. 36.

    Abréviateur universel cited in Aulard, Paris pendant la réaction thermidorienne, I, pp. 369–70:

    ‘La belle Cabarrus a ses admirateurs, ses adorateurs, ses détracteurs et ses émules. Arrive-t-elle? On applaudit avec transport, comme si c’était sauver la République française que d’avoir une figure à la romaine ou à l’espagnole, une superbe peau, de beaux yeux, une démarche noble, un sourire où l’amabilité tempère la protection, un costume à la grecque et les bras nus.’

  37. 37.

    Au Temps des merveilleuses, p. 58; 77. In 1798, Ouvrard was a millionaire thirty times over, owning the domains of Raincy, Marly, Louveciennes, Saint-Gratien, Vilandry, Châteauneuf, de Preuilly, d’Azay, 84 farms near Cologne and a dozen town houses in Paris in the choice locations of the Chaussée d’Antin and the place Vendôme. Thérésia Cabarrus married comte François-Joseph de Caraman, the future prince de Chimay, in 1805 after being divorced from her second husband Tallien in 1802.

  38. 38.

    In lampooning the social types of Directoire society in terms of the superficial appearances of dress, attributes, gesture and expression, the print entitled Invalide et soldat contre Muscadin (Paris, Musée Carnavalet) is another satire which also points to a specific incident with more precise political implications. It depicts a central figure, dressed in the stereotypical clothes of the Muscadin, being set upon by a crippled veteran grenadier and another soldier. It can be associated with an incident that had occurred by the main gate of the Hôtel des Invalides in Paris on 12 fructidor an IV (29 August 1797) when a 17-year-old student, wearing the provocative black collar of the Muscadins, was set upon by a number of invalides. For the incident, see I. Woloch (1979) The French Veteran from the Revolution to the Restoration (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press), p. 173.

  39. 39.

    For further on the political implications of such clothing, such as the signification of wigs, see A. Ribeiro (1995) The Art of Dress: Fashion in England and France 1750–1820 (New Haven and London: Yale University Press), pp. 83–131.

  40. 40.

    J. A. Lynn (1984) The Bayonets of the Republic: Motivation and Tactics in the Army of Revolutionary France, 1791–1794 (Urbana: University of Illinois Press), pp. 7–11.

  41. 41.

    Lynn, The Bayonets of the Republic, p. 7.

  42. 42.

    On Dumouriez and the circumstances of his defection, see R. M. Brace (1951) ‘General Dumouriez and the Girondins 1792–3’, American Historical Review, 56/3, 493–509.

  43. 43.

    J-P. Marat (1995) Oeuvres politiques 1789–93, J. de Cock and C. Goëtz (eds) (Brussels: Pole Nord), VIII, p. 4936.

  44. 44.

    Anon (1792) Révolutions de Paris, 176, 14 Trimestre, 17–24 November, 399–400: ‘Jusqu’à présent nous n’avions reproché à Demourier qu’un amour-propre vaniteux, sentant trop l’ancien régime & le ministre de cour, qu’une ambition démesurée de louanges; d’honneurs & de couronnes théâtrales. Mais seroit-il aujourd’hui rassasié de gloire et d’encens? Ambitonneroit-il des biens plus matériels, des avantages moins volatils?’

  45. 45.

    The ministers were frustrated in these efforts, Brace, ‘General Dumouriez’, pp. 498–500.

  46. 46.

    C. F. Duperrier Dumouriez (1794) Mémoires du Général D., écrits par lui-même (London: P. Elmsley), I, p. 22.

  47. 47.

    For the inscriptions on sabre blades, see Aux Armes Citoyens!: Les Sabres à emblèmes de la Révolution (1987), Exhibition catalogue (Vizille: Musée de la Révolution française), p. 37.

  48. 48.

    M. Viennot (1792) Rapport sur les honneurs et recompenses militaries (Paris: Imprimerie nationale), p. 13.

  49. 49.

    A. de Montaiglon (1875–92) (ed.) Procès-verbaux de l’Académie Royale de peinture et de sculpture (1648–1793) (Paris: Société de l’Histoire de l’Art français), IX, pp. 76–7; 164.

  50. 50.

    Jacques-Louis David, 1748–1825 (1989), Exhibition catalogue (Paris: Editions de la Réunion des musées nationaux), p. 146.

  51. 51.

    D. Wolfthal (1977) ‘Jacques Callot’s Miseries of War’, The Art Bulletin, LIX, 221–33; 222.

  52. 52.

    I. Woloch, The French Veteran, p. 3.

  53. 53.

    Jean-Pierre Blois (1990) Les anciens Soldats dans la société au XVIII e siècle (Paris: Economica), p. 11. See also Woloch, The French Veteran.

  54. 54.

    [A. M. Lemâitre] (1790) Oraison Funèbres des Gardes Nationaux tués à l’Affaire de Nancy, 1790: ‘Que de tendres adieux; que d’embrassemens, que de larmes, que de soupirs entre-coupés par des sanglots, enfin que de tristes étreintes ont rendu horrible ce moment de séparation. Hélas! mères éplorées, femmes restées veuves, enfans devenus orphelins, c’étoit donc la dernière fois que vous serriez dans vos bras ce soldat citoyen et ce citoyen soldat. Son courage, son amour pour la nouvelle constitution l’emporte loin de vous, et un coup de fusil sera donc la récompense de son civisme. C’est un Français qui va périr par la main de son frère. Cependant la trompette sonne, le tambour se fait entendre, il vole et s’arrache des bras de sa femme; il se dérobe en fuyant à ses enfants qui courent après lui, et l’appelant encore au moment où il ne peut plus les entendre; il est bientôt placé dans les rangs.’

    For the mutiny at Nancy, see E. Hartmann (1990) La Révolution française en Alsace et Lorraine (Paris: Perrin), pp. 187–207.

  55. 55.

    [Lemâitre], Oraison Funèbres, p. 17.

  56. 56.

    M-J. Chénier (1793) Rapport fait a la Convention nationale, au nom des Comités d’instruction publique et de la guerre (Paris: Imprimerie nationale).

  57. 57.

    Chénier, Rapport, pp. 1–2.

  58. 58.

    Chénier, Rapport, p. 3: ‘La reconnaissance nationale est le véritable prix des belles actions: laissons les trésors aux tyrans: la gloire est la monnoie des Républiques. Les généraux, les soldats des rois connoissent le point d’honneur; les républicains seuls connoissent la gloire, et sont dignes de l’apprécier.’

  59. 59.

    F. Aftalion (1987) L’Économie de la Révolution française (Paris: Hachette), pp. 171–2.

  60. 60.

    Chénier, Rapport, p. 4.

  61. 61.

    For a play on the theme of the wounded soldier that exhorts others to similar acts of self-sacrifice, see J-B. Radet (1793–4, an II) Le Canonier Convalescent (Paris, Théâtre du Vaudeville: Imprimerie rue des Droits de l’Homme). A genre painting of a contemporary, domestic interior, Dévouement à la patrie d’un homme qu’on vient d’amputer d’un bras (Devotion to the Homeland of a man who has just had his arm amputated, Paris, Musée Carnavalet) is quite exceptionally grisly. The trope of the amputee soldier who vows to fight on one-armed was already a well-established one with, for instance, Voltaire citing, in 1748, the example of the young Brienne who, in remounting an escalade with a shattered arm, had apparently shouted out that he had another arm for his King and Homeland; see above Chap. 3 section on Gloire and the philosophes. The revolutionary painting certainly does not depict some young noble officer in a dashing action of loyal and dutiful service to his monarch and to his Homeland for its scene is set in that of a modest but respectable home. The larger than life domestic hero looks up to and salutes with his one good arm the tricolour flag of the French nation, as if dedicating his good arm to the furtherance of the Homeland and to what the Homeland stands for. With his womenfolk in support, looking on in a concerned way, and alongside the soldiers that have just operated on him, this rather improbable figure stands in a macabre and awkward way just by the table on which there rests his recently amputated arm and hand.

  62. 62.

    The death of Joseph Bara demonstrates how a contemporary, fallen in the defence of the French nation, could be marked out and, indeed, celebrated in the visual imagery of the period. See La Mort de Bara (1989), Exhibition catalogue (Avignon: Musée Calvet).

  63. 63.

    P. Bordes (1996) La Mort de Brutus de Pierre-Narcisse Guérin (Vizille: musée de la Révolution française), p. 66.

  64. 64.

    Bordes, La Mort de Brutus, p. 121 cited from Procès-Verbal de la seconde séance du jury des arts, le 18 pluviôse [6 February 1794]:

    ‘Déjà mon esprit parcourt les monuments des arts; il ne s’arrête point sur ces imitations individuelles: j’aime mieux admirer la bonne et simple nature; et si je suspens l’attendrissement dont toujours la contemplation me pénètre, pour porter mes regards sur les ouvrages des hommes, j’exige alors qu’on parle à mon imagination, qu’on me retrace les phénomènes que je ne puis voir, les actes sublimes des sages, des héros et leurs ressemblances caractéristiques; qu’on réunisse en un tout les beautés fugitives, isolées, mais homogènes, que ma paresse originelle m’empêche de rechercher.’

  65. 65.

    The aquatint image is dated wrongly—the ceremony took place on 1 vendémiaire an VI.

  66. 66.

    Le Républican, Journal des hommes libres de tous les pays, 3 vendémiaire an VI [1797].

  67. 67.

    D. Hopkin (2001) ‘Sons and lovers: Popular images of the conscript, 1798–1870’, Modern and Contemporary France, 9/1, 19–36; 27.

  68. 68.

    See J. Whitehead (1992) The French Interior: In the Eighteenth Century (London: L. King), pp. 67–70.

  69. 69.

    T. Giot (1793) Eloge civique des patriots morts pour la liberté et l’égalité; depuis le commencement de la Révolution (Paris), p. 27:

    ‘…montrez-vous dignes des vertueuses Romaines, au nom de l’honneur de la liberté de votre Pays et de votre propre sûreté encouragez, secondez le zèle de nos jeunes Citoyens; dites-leurs que la mesure de votre tendresse doublera, pour eux, lorsque vous les verrez revenir triomphans et libres; lorsque par leur courage et la force de leurs bras ils auront écarté loin de vous et de vos familles les horreurs de la guerre.’

  70. 70.

    The print has been misinterpreted as illustrating how the Directoire honoured its dead servicemen: Q. Reynier (2012) ‘Le Héros militaire, la mort et l’honneur sous le Directoire: Quelle Menace pour la République?’, in S. Bianchi (ed.) Héros et héroïnes de la Révolution française (Paris: Éditions du Comité des travaux historiques et scientifiques) pp. 195–220; 198. For more on soldiers dying in the cause of the patrie and the memorialisations involved in their funerary cults, see A. Jourdan (1977) Les Monuments de la Révolution 1770–1804: Une Histoire de répresentation (Paris: Honoré Champion) p. 20; 125; 191–220.

  71. 71.

    A. R. C. Saint-Albin [Alexandre Rousselin de Corbeau] (1800, an VIII) Vie de Lazare Hoche (Paris), pp. 279–86.

  72. 72.

    Procès-verbal de la cérémonie funèbre qui a eu lieu au Champ-de-Mars à Paris, le 10 vendémiaire an VI, en mémoire du general Hoche (1797–98, an VI) (Paris: De l’Imprimerie de la République).

  73. 73.

    See Aulard, Paris pendant la réaction thermidorienne, III, p. 375, report from Journal des patriotes de 89, 20 Thermidor an IV (7 August 1796).

  74. 74.

    Procès-verbal de la cérémonie funèbre qui a eu lieu au Champ-de-Mars à Paris, le 10 vendémiaire an VI, p. 3.

  75. 75.

    Procès-verbal de la cérémonie funèbre qui a eu lieu au Champ-de-Mars à Paris, le 10 vendémiaire an VI, p. 4.

  76. 76.

    Procès-verbal de la cérémonie funèbre qui a eu lieu au Champ-de-Mars à Paris, le 10 vendémiaire an VI, p. 22.

  77. 77.

    Général J-B. Jourdan (an V), Discours sur la mort de Général Hoche, (Paris: Lemaire), p. 3.

  78. 78.

    James Gillray: The Art of Caricature (2001), Exhibition catalogue (London: Tate Gallery), no. 85, pp. 116–17.

  79. 79.

    Ian Germani has pertinently suggested to me that the reference to Augureau as the replacement for Hoche may also be a reference to the fact that Augureau supplanted Hoche in carrying out the coup of 18 Fructidor Year V (4 September 1797). This would suggest that royalist sympathies belonged to the print’s satirical import.

  80. 80.

    I am grateful to Charles Ford for spotting the inference of the post-box.

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    Valerie Mainz

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Mainz, V. (2016). Fame’s Two Trumpets. In: Days of Glory?. War, Culture and Society, 1750-1850. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-54294-6_6

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