Abstract
This chapter examines the notion of home within the historical development of Zimbabwe from colonial times to the present. Using an intersectional analysis perspective, it examines the sense of home based on race, gender, and class during colonialism, the first 20 years after independence and the contemporary 2000-plus era. The perception of home varied widely depending on the political and economic context of the period and the social location of each ethnic group. This chapter argues that state formation is linked to economic and political violence that contribute to the reality of home within the colonial and post-colonial society. Societies that seek to build exclusive notions of home rely on violence and instead end up promoting a sense of home insecurity. Lastly, it notes that people of different backgrounds conceive and perform home differently based on the Zeitgeist and the modus vivendi of political elites at particular times.
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Notes
- 1.
International statistics including Freedom House numbers, the human development index, the physical quality of life, and macro-economic indicators (e.g., inflation, GDP per capita, GINI index, and GDP growth rates) all point toward a rapid deconstruction of Zimbabwe’s economy and society, especially since 2000.
- 2.
For a theoretical and practical analysis of Operation Murambatsvina, please see Vambe (ed.) (2008), The hidden dimensions of Operation Murambatsvina. African Books Collective, 2008.
- 3.
Chimurenga , a Shona word for an inclusive struggle, assumed an iconic meaning during the liberation struggle and then again in the post-independence era. The first Chimurenga (1894–7) involved armed resistance against colonialism and focused preserving indigenous land ownership. The second Chimurenga (1966–79) referred to the struggle for independence that also included the restoration of the ownership of land. The War Veterans and the supporters of the fast-track land reform program (i.e., state supported forced confiscation of land from white commercial farmers from 2000 onwards) coined the exercise “The Third Chimurenga .”
- 4.
According to data obtained by Brownell (2010: 75), the number of white settlers increased from 194,500 to 270,833 during 1955–1960 to 1973–1979. Furthermore, during two periods 1961–65 and 1973–79, emigration outpaced immigration at 12,912 to 8,225 and 13,070 to 7542 people per annum. After UDI , many of the newcomers were from South Africa according to Brownell. These new temporary immigrants knew they could leave Rhodesia and return across the border in the event of majority rule. During the period of 1955–60 and 1966–72, immigration outpaced emigration at 13,666 to 7666 and 11,395 to 6285 people per annum. The relative prosperity during the Federation and the import substitution industrialization (ISI) of the early year of UDI provided a pull factor for the two periods noted above wherein immigration outpaced emigration. In the two periods 1961–5 and 1973–9, more whites left Rhodesia than entered the country for residency. In the case of the 1961–5, uncertainty and recession became a push factor, while in the 1973–9 period, the intensification of sanctions’ effects, Rhodesia pariah status, and the Bush War led to more people leaving rather than entering the country on a residency basis.
- 5.
In 1978, elections also took place leading to the establishment of Zimbabwe-Rhodesia. However, both ZANU and ZAPU refused to participate in any elections organized under the auspices of the UDI and the RF . United Nations Security Council Resolution 423, 1978 also declared the elections invalid. Meanwhile, ZANU and ZAPU continued to engage in an armed struggle.
- 6.
The National Youth Service members, known ubiquitously as the Green Bombers reflecting their military fatigues worn, became a central arm of intimidation before and after elections. In 2002 and 2003, the paramilitary group became the de facto government militia as enforcers of economic policies of price controls and participated in the Fast Track Land Reform Program. In return, they received immunity from prosecution and government jobs in its security forces and the military .
- 7.
During my regular visits to Bulawayo, Zimbabwe, I often stayed with the Guptas, who were Asians and owned a lodge in the city. They had arrived in Zimbabwe during the UDI period. Over a period of five years, that I visited them (2003–08), the economic and political decline of the country impacted their business and quality of life. Over time, they became less and less convinced about remaining in the country although they knew nowhere else. Despite approaching late middle age, they hastily disposed of their property and moved in with their adult children in the US Midwest.
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W. Compton, R. (2018). Home Formation and the Use of Violence in Zimbabwe. In: Compton, Jr., R., Leung, H., Robles, Y. (eds) Dynamics of Community Formation. Palgrave Macmillan, New York. https://doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-53359-3_10
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