Abstract
As we have described and discussed in the preceding chapters, water issues take shape in a variety of ways. From concerns regarding access and pollution, to drought and flooding as attendant effects of global climate change, to privatization and corporate consolidation of water supplies and the deceptive marketing of bottled water, water is at the centre of a diverse array of issues with unique criminological relevance. Indeed, as our title and framing suggest, water issues can be thought of as constituting and falling on a spectrum of extremes—water is often too dirty, expensive or secured, access to water is too restricted, while flooding and geographically and socially dependent overabundance give some too much water. In this chapter, we demonstrate a global recognition of the importance of water by highlighting and describing a few of the countless social, political and cultural moments and movements resisting the harms associated with inadequate access, poor quality, privatization and habitus. Each of the moments of resistance noted in this chapter is connected: at the centre of each is a call for ‘water justice’.
Portions of this chapter have been adapted from McClanahan (2014).
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Notes
- 1.
Amster asserts that ‘[t]he dominant “solution” of privatizing the commons in order to “save” them is nonsensical (eerily reminiscent of the discredited logic from Vietnam arguing that we had to “destroy the village in order to save it”), even as it claims the mantle of rationality’ (2015: 52). For a discussion of water as a common good, see Amster (2015: 62–65), Kallhoff (2017: 416, 419, 422, 423).
- 2.
To be clear, the successes have not been without losses. Despite their many inspiring victories, Bolivia’s water justice movements and activists suffered substantial losses—the aforementioned Hugo Banzer, a young activist killed by a military sniper during a water justice demonstration, and the countless (or, more accurately, uncounted, although one journalist puts the number in ‘the dozens’) left dead in the wake of state violence employed in the repression of Cochabamba’s ‘water revolt’. Adding to the heartbreaking loss of so many Bolivian lives was the insult of a suit, filed by Bechtel against the people of Cochabamba, demanding payment of $50 million (USD) despite having only lost an initial investment of $1 million (USD) in their privatization efforts. This suit was ultimately settled with the symbolic payment of 35 cents to Bechtel from the people of Cochabamba, a victory that was itself won following direct action protests at the company’s California headquarters. Despite this symbolic victory, the very filing of the suit illustrates the lengths that Bechtel and other corporate water interests have been willing to go to in order to wrestle control of water away from those dependent, both materially and culturally, on common water sources.
- 3.
- 4.
The term ‘greywater’ refers to non-fecally contaminated household wastewater, such as that from baths, dishwashers, showers, sinks and washing machines. Because it contains fewer pathogens than toilet water, it can be used for non-potable purposes. Note also that some use the term ‘green water’ to refer to ‘rainwater that infiltrates and is stored in the soil’ and ‘blue water’ for ‘water stored in surface rivers and lakes and groundwater’ (Barnes 2015: 144 n.6 (citing Falkenmark and Rockström 2006)).
- 5.
It is important to note that while the aesthetic tendency of groups like the Greywater Guerrillas plays at a certain militancy, such aesthetic militancy is, in many ways, limited to the Global North. In the Global South—Bolivia, for example, or the Niger River Delta—the militancy of resistance to water harm and privatization is much less reflective of the sort of ‘lifestyle politics’ (Bennett 1998) associated with Western activism.
- 6.
It is worth noting that the mediated response from the Global North to NDA differs from previous mediated responses to MEND. The Twitter account of NDA, for example, was suspended by the social media giant in 2016 over ‘terrorism acts’ (George and Akwagyiram 2016), and many research and media reports link NDA to terrorism, while international media appears to have been far more reluctant to link MEND to terrorism. This dynamic highlights the increasing securitization of environmental conflicts discussed earlier in this book (for a general discussion, see McClanahan and Brisman 2015; Runhovde 2017; South 2012; White 2014; Duffy 2016).
- 7.
Arnold (2009: 830) further notes that ‘surface water systems are organized geographically, for the most part, by watersheds, in which smaller areas that drain to a common point are nested within larger areas that drain to a common point, which are nested in still larger areas that drain to a common point, and so forth. Private ownership and control of water, though, usually occurs at spatial scales that have nothing to do with hydrology or watershed functioning’.
- 8.
As Arnold (2009: 813–14) argues, ‘[g]iven that water is essential to life, one cannot be a human being—at least for very long—without adequate supplies of clean drinking water. Therefore, it would seem to follow that reasonable access to sufficient quantities of clean drinking water to support human life would be a universal right of every human. In addition, given that seriously degraded environmental conditions, such as contaminated waters, harm human life, it would seem to follow that every human has a right to life in a watershed that is at least minimally healthy and functioning’ (footnotes omitted).
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Brisman, A., McClanahan, B., South, N., Walters, R. (2018). Too Important: Water and Resistance. In: Water, Crime and Security in the Twenty-First Century. Critical Criminological Perspectives. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-52986-2_7
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