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Age Variation and Language Change in Welsh: Auxiliary Deletion and Possessive Constructions

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Abstract

This chapter discusses age as a factor in morphosyntactic variation in contemporary Welsh, presenting analysis of corpus data. First, auxiliary verb deletion is discussed, where synchronic age variation is interpreted as showing language change, and internal evidence suggests that the construction shows convergence to a more English-like word order. Second, variation in the use of different types of Welsh possessive construction is discussed: an analysis of age variation in the use of different first plural and third singular possessives sees an increased use of an innovative construction—previously primarily associated with child speech—by younger adults, which is again used as an argument for language change, although this change looks to have developed differently across the first and third person forms.

Yn y bennod hon trafodir oedran fel newidyn mewn amrywiaeth morffo-gystrawennol mewn Cymraeg cyfoes, gan gyflwyno dadansoddiad o ddata corpws. Yn gyntaf, trafodir dileu’r ferf gynorthwyol, lle mae amrywiaeth oedran cydamserol yn cael ei ddehongli fel arwydd o newid iaith, ac mae tystiolaeth fewnol yn awgrymu bod y strwythur yn dangos cydgyfeiriant tuag at drefn geiriol mwy tebyg i’r Saesneg. Yn ail, trafodir amrywiaeth yn nefnydd gwahanol fathau o strwythurau meddiannol Cymraeg: mae dadansoddiad o amrywiaeth oedran yn nefnydd strwythurau meddiannol person 1af lluosog a 3ydd person unigol yn dangos mwy o ddefnydd o strwythur newydd—un a oedd gynt yn cael ei chysylltu gydag iaith plant ar y cyfan—gan siaradwyr ifanc, sydd eto yn cael ei ddefnyddio fel dadl am newid iaith, er bod y newid yn edrych fel ei fod wedi datblygu’n wahanol ar draws y ffurfiau person 1af a 3ydd person.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    In the 2011 UK Census, out of Wales’ population of 3.06 m, it was recorded that 1.50 m were men (49%) and 1.56 m were women (51%). We considered the gender distribution in Siarad to be close enough to this distribution as to be representative of Wales in general.

  2. 2.

    UK qualifications that school students attain if they stay in school until they are 18.

  3. 3.

    References in square brackets following examples are to specific files in the Siarad Welsh–English bilingual corpus which we collected and have made available on www.talkbank.org/BilingBank. Transcripts of recorded conversations are referred to by the filename, for example, davies1, fusser27, and the pseudonym of the participant is then supplied.

  4. 4.

    As Table 2.1 shows, the number of tokens per age band is not balanced. There are more tokens for the groups for speakers aged between 20 and 49 than for the younger and the older speakers, and there are very few tokens for the oldest speakers. I acknowledge that analysing more balanced age bands in the future might affect the statistical analysis presented below.

  5. 5.

    One such example is ei gilydd (etc.) ‘each other’, which is a grammaticalisation of (now archaic) cilydd ‘companion’, i.e. formerly ei gilydd ‘his companion’, and where using a pronoun, e.g., *ei gilydd o, is ungrammatical.

  6. 6.

    An issue that arose in the analysis was categoricality, in particular with the frequent CC token tŷ ni ‘our house’, which was found in 19 tokens in the corpus but which only ever appeared as a CC construction, never SC (ein tŷ ni) or LC (ein tŷ). It could be that tŷ ni has become conventionalised as a set phrase which may mean something like ‘(our) home’.

  7. 7.

    Siarad uses pseudonyms for people named within the conversations as well as for the participants themselves.

  8. 8.

    Perhaps this could be more strictly defined as verb which has a stressed syllable with an initial consonant, which explains non-deletion of bisyllabic verbs like ydw.

  9. 9.

    Again one must allow for dialectal differences, since the northern/southern distinction is a crude and perhaps overly generalistic one, and indeed there will also be individual speaker differences, such as southern L2 speakers who might have a more standard pronunciation due to the influence of ‘school Welsh’ (e.g. first plural dyn rather than ŷn).

  10. 10.

    This is one example I found in Siarad of this kind of deletion. Another example involves a proper noun subject; this is given as example (6) in Davies and Deuchar (2014). There are likely to be other similar instances in the corpus.

  11. 11.

    Jones (1998) found that school-aged children in Rhosllanerchrugog tended to use standard or literary grammatical forms of certain constructions, rather than the dialectal forms used by older Welsh speakers in the community (such as preferring the more formal/neutral nominal plural suffix <-au> [aɨ] to the dialectal <-e> [e]), presumably because of the influence of ‘school Welsh’ as perhaps their primary input source for Welsh. The reasons for the persistence of the LC possessive in even the younger generations’ speech may be similarly-motivated, whereby speakers retain forms which are common in written or formal Welsh even though they are not the most common constructions found in speech (and, therefore, in the input).

  12. 12.

    And indeed verbs other than bod ‘be’, since AuxD appears to be largely confined to forms of bod, and it would be of interest to identify why. Perhaps it is due largely to the high frequency of bod as an auxiliary.

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Davies, P. (2016). Age Variation and Language Change in Welsh: Auxiliary Deletion and Possessive Constructions. In: Durham, M., Morris, J. (eds) Sociolinguistics in Wales. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-52897-1_2

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  • DOI: https://doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-52897-1_2

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