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The Costs and Benefits of Descriptive Representation: Women’s Quotas, Variations in State Feminism and the Fact of Reasonable Pluralism

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Book cover Gendered Citizenship and the Politics of Representation

Part of the book series: Citizenship, Gender and Diversity ((FEMCIT))

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Abstract

The chapter discusses the costs and benefits of descriptive representation under state feminism in the light of institutional variation and the fact of reasonable normative disagreement. Women-centred and intersectional state feminism, state feminism inside and outside a welfare state context, and state feminism more and less democratized are compared, and it is argued that from the cost side, descriptive representation is more recommendable in a democratized, intersectional state feminist regime than in a women-centred technocratic one, whereas the effects of the welfare state variable on descriptive representation costs are more mixed. On the benefit side, intersectionality, welfare state and democratization seem to deliver several of the same goods as descriptive representation, raising the question of whether descriptive representation is at all recommendable, given what we know of its costliness. In the end, there is however a set of remaining pro arguments suggesting that descriptive representation produces some exclusive benefits. The closer assessment of pros and cons will however vary with normative position and more specifically with which conceptions of democracy and equality one subscribes to.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    For discussions of gender quotas in corporate boards, see, for example, Engelstad and Teigen (2012).

  2. 2.

    The point of this chapter is neither to define the threshold level of “effective state feminism” nor to argue that state feminism actually delivers “better” than descriptive representation. The question here is what happens to the calculus of descriptive representation under the condition that state feminist machineries are in place and work relatively efficiently.

  3. 3.

    The notions of women-centred/intersectional state feminism, state feminism with/without a welfare state and with/without democratization should be thought of in terms of Weberian ideal types. The actual empirical variation and the detailed characteristics of state feminism around the globe are different matters and not the topic of this chapter.

  4. 4.

    Equal outcomes on an individual level would have implied that each and every individual got the same bundle of goods and burdens in question.

  5. 5.

    The contention is that such similarity in success prospects requires social and economic redistribution and not only anti-discrimination and equal treatment (what Rawls refers to as “formal” equal opportunities).

  6. 6.

    This conclusion is complicated by the fact that some regard equal group level outcomes not as a good in and by itself but as the best available proxy for equal opportunities given available data and conventional statistical techniques (Phillips 2004).

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Holst, C. (2016). The Costs and Benefits of Descriptive Representation: Women’s Quotas, Variations in State Feminism and the Fact of Reasonable Pluralism. In: Danielsen, H., Jegerstedt, K., Muriaas, R., Ytre-Arne, B. (eds) Gendered Citizenship and the Politics of Representation. Citizenship, Gender and Diversity. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-51765-4_5

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  • DOI: https://doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-51765-4_5

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