Abstract
Although transgender individuals have served in militaries across time and place, only recently has the open military service of transgender personnel been considered. Embser-Herbert begins with a brief discussion regarding the term ‘transgender,’ and notes the centrality of gender to the organization of the military. Citing the groundbreaking work of the Palm Center, the chapter then considers the issues that frame the US military’s exclusionary position and highlights the policies of other nations such as Canada. Embser-Herbert illustrates that the bases for exclusion, such as mental health concerns, are largely antiquated and without merit. In conclusion, Embser-Herbert, argues that welcoming all who are qualified and willing to serve is best for the military and calls for the repeal of prohibitions on transgender military service.
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Notes
- 1.
That is, women who are cisgendered/assigned female at birth and do not identify as transgender.
- 2.
The term ‘passing’ is disfavoured by some in the transgender community and that should be acknowledged. I use the term here to refer not to anyone who is currently pre- or post-transition, but to those assigned one sex/gender at birth and who, without therapeutic intervention, presented socially as a different sex/gender so that they could serve in the military in times past (see Heideman 2014).
- 3.
The fact that this chapter addresses the broad range of those who might identify as transgender was itself a point of contention with some of my reviewers preferring I not mention, for example, the non-binary while my editors preferred a more inclusive discussion of the issue.
- 4.
It is also worth noting that in the United States such definitions are not federal, but vary from one state to another. See, for example, http://transgenderlawcenter.org/equalitymap.
- 5.
Thanks to my colleague, Aaron Belkin, who pointed out that many other categories (e.g., those of whiteness or Christianity) are equally as difficult to characterize. Unfortunately, given the limits of this chapter I cannot elaborate on this issue. I do, however, wish to acknowledge that transgender is not unique in its complexity.
- 6.
Over the course of writing this chapter, I was repeatedly asked to explain why the United States has been so resistant to permitting transgender persons to serve in the military. As someone born and raised in the United States, I kept circling back to ‘Because…,’ as in ‘Because it challenges tradition’ or ‘Because it violates accepted ideas…’ or ‘Because they’re afraid…’. I was as unable to answer that question in a coherent, yet brief, fashion as I am to explain why most Americans are opposed to universal health care or providing a safety net for the less fortunate. A lengthy discussion of US social history is really the only adequate answer and is beyond the scope of the chapter.
- 7.
Department of Defense figures for 2013 show a total number of active duty, Reserve, and National Guard personnel of about 2.2 million. For a detailed explanation of how Gates and Herman calculated the estimate of transgender service members, see Gates and Herman (2014).
- 8.
I mention male/female, man/woman to highlight that it is both sex (one’s physiology) and gender (one’s social presentation) that are monitored by the military. In the remainder of the chapter I will use these terms largely interchangeably, except when the issue is specifically one status or the other.
- 9.
- 10.
A condition in which the body fails to produce testosterone in an amount considered to be normal, or sufficient, for men.
- 11.
Citing Tricare’s Provider’s Guide to the Elective Cosmetic Surgery Superbill.
- 12.
According to OutServe Magazine’s Trans and the Military FAQ, chest masculinization, or ‘top surgery’, for FTM is not a bar to service. This may be because the line between elective breast reduction surgery and chest masculinization surgery is perceived as too fine to manage. It may be due to an historical emphasis on male service members. This author found no definitive information from a military source. As with much of this terrain, it appears that command discretion is key. http://outservemag.com/2012/09/trans-and-the-military-faq/.
- 13.
It should be noted that the concept of ‘post-transition’ is a questionable one. At what point can one be viewed as having completed transition? Is it when one changes their gender markers, legally or otherwise? Is it the completion of all available surgeries? Both are fraught with complexity. As noted at the outset, the definition of who is transgender varies across individuals, organization and nations.
- 14.
See footnote 54 in Elders and Steinman (2014) for examples and further citation.
- 15.
It is absolutely true, as it was for gay, lesbian and bisexual service members, that many transgender veterans have chosen to complete their military careers and retire, postponing living full-time with a gender different from that assigned at birth.
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Acknowledgements
My heartfelt thanks to Aaron Belkin, Claire Duncanson, Paula Neira, Sharon Preves, Brynn Tannehill, Rachel Woodward, and Evan Young for their valuable feedback on earlier drafts of this chapter. Thanks as well to Nathaniel Frank and Alan Okros for their insight.
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Embser-Herbert, M.S. (2017). Transgender Military Service: A Snapshot in Time. In: Woodward, R., Duncanson, C. (eds) The Palgrave International Handbook of Gender and the Military. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-51677-0_11
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