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Lenin’s Conception of the Party

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The Palgrave Handbook of Leninist Political Philosophy

Abstract

The chapter analyses Lenin’s ideas regarding the Party as a strategic political organization within the context of pre-revolutionary Russia, when the Russian Social Democratic Party was illegal and its leaders were in exile. His theoretical approach to organization from a left Marxist perspective is explored and contrasted with Rosa Luxemburg’s critical views and reservations concerning centralism. The chapter describes how Lenin’s ideas were received and adapted to meet contemporary political realities in Cuba and Latin America.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Ernest Mandel, for example, asserted: “It’s well known that Marx never completed a uniform concept of the Party…” La teoría leninista de la organización. http://ernestmandel.orgf/es/escritos/pdf/form_teoría-leninista-organizacio.pdf, p. 33. Slavoj Žižek states Lenin “formalized” Marx’s theory because he “defined” the party as a “political form” of “historical intervention”. Repetir Lenin. Editorial Akal, Madrid, 2004, p. 34.

  2. 2.

    Marx , C.; Engels , F. Manifiesto Comunista. Editorial Ciencias Sociales, Havana, 1979, p. 45.

  3. 3.

    Marx , C.; Engels , F. Mensaje del Comité Central a la Liga de los Comunistas. Selected Works in two volumes, Editions in Foreign Languages, Moscow, vol. 1, p. 108.

  4. 4.

    Marx , C; Engels ,F. Estatutos de la Asociación Internacional de Trabajadores. Idem., pp. 400–401. Marx ratifies in 1875 that the First International was a “first attempt to give … a central organ…” to the international activity of the proletariat. Crítica al Programa de Gotha, Idem., vol. 2, p. 20.

  5. 5.

    Engels , F. Preface to the German edition of 1890 of the Communist Manifesto. Manifiesto comunista, Op.cit., pp. 13–14. Marx , C. El 18 brumario de Luis Bonaparte. Selected works in 2 volumes, Op.cit., vol. 1, pp. 256; 278–279.

  6. 6.

    Korsch , K. “The present state of the problem of Marxism and philosophy.” In Marxismo y filosofía, Editions Era, Mexico, 1971, p. 63.

  7. 7.

    See: 1) Lukács, G. Lenin. La coherencia de su pensamiento. In http:/www.insumisos.com/lecturainsumisa/El%20pensamiento%20de%20Lenin.pdf, pág. 33. 2) Pannekoek . A. “Lenin as philosopher. A critical examination of the foundations of Marxism.” In La izquierda germano-holandesa contra Lenin. Edition Espartaco Internacional, 2004, p. 257.

  8. 8.

    Lenin, V.I. La enfermedad infantil del “izquierdismo” en el comunismo. Selected Works in 12 volumes, Editorial Progreso, Moscow, 1973, volume XI, p. 4.

  9. 9.

    For example: 1) the refusal of the Bolshevik newspaper Pravda to publish, in the name of the party, Lenin’s speech of April 3rd, 1917 (April Theses). It described a revolutionary and potentially socialist situation, while other Bolshevik leaders held the criterion of Menshevik reformism . 2) Zinoviev and Kamenev revealed the agreement to insurrection of the Bolshevik Central Committee, in which they were involved, maintaining the Mensheviks’ same arguments. See: Trotsky , L. Historia de la revolución rusa. Editorial Quimantú, Santiago de Chile, 1972, volume 1, pp. 364; 378; 535. Grant, T. and A. Woods, Lenin y Trotsky , qué defendieron realmente. Fundación Federico Engels , 2000, pp. 80; 94; 194–202.

  10. 10.

    “Only the full history of the life period of Bolshevism could suitably explain why it was able to forge and keep, under the toughest conditions, the strict discipline required for the victory of the proletariat”. Lenin, V.I. La enfermedad infantil del “izquierdismo” en el comunismo. Op.cit., p. 4.

  11. 11.

    Lenin, V.I. ¿Qué hacer?, Selected Works in 3 Volumes, Foreign Languages Edition, Moscow, 1960, volume 1, pp. 125; 127; 243–244; 246.

  12. 12.

    Idem., pp. 209; 231–232; 242; 246.

  13. 13.

    Idem., pp. 231–232.

  14. 14.

    Idem.,pp. 143–144; 168.

  15. 15.

    Lenin sees himself as a “pupil” of this populism, which he admits to having “inherited”. ¿Qué hacer?, Op.cit., pp. 144–145; 147. ¿A qué herencia renunciamos? Selected Works in 3 volumes, Op.cit., vol. 1, pp. 110; 116–117. On the other hand, he is not aware of the harmful consequences of the populist component in Marxism. Towards 1921, for example, even after the Menshevik turn of Plekhanov, whose background was in populism, Lenin suggests that young people study Marxism from the writings of the “masters.” He then proposes to publish the complete works of Plekhanov and its arrangement as “obligatory manuals”. V.I. Lenin. Una vez más acerca de los sindicatos y los errores de Trotsky y Bujarin (1921). Selected Works in 12 volumes, Editorial Progreso, Moscow, 1973, vol. XI, p. 159.

  16. 16.

    Lukács admits the populist “heritage” in the theory of the workers–peasants’ alliance. Lenin. La coherencia de su pensamiento. In http:/www.insumisos.com/lecturainsumisa/El%20pensamiento%20de%20Lenin.pdf, p. 28. Löwy, M. Class consciousness and revolutionary Party. Pensamiento crítico, Havana, No. 4, 1967, p. 188.

  17. 17.

    Although Lenin admits the possibility of some workers becoming theorists (Weitling and Proudhon), this could only take place through the action of a learned vanguard sector. ¿Qué hacer?, Op.cit., pp. 149; 156–157; 192. Mandel and Korsch recall that the concept “from outside” was introduced in social democracy by the Hainfeld Programme (1888–1889) of the Austrian Party. Mandel, E. La teoría leninista de la organización, Op.cit., Note 1, p. 33. Korsch , K. The present state of the problem of Marxism and philosophy.Marxismo y Filosofía, Op.cit., Note 92, pp. 63–64.

  18. 18.

    Lukács, G. Lenin, la coherencia de su pensamiento, Op.cit. pp. 17–19; 25; 36. Also see the Prologue of N. Kohan, named Philosophy and fire (Lukacs before Lenin), p. 5. On Marxism as a “global and unitary theory of the social revolution” and the reformist revisionism of the Second International, see: Korsch , K. Marxismo y filosofía. Op.cit., pp. 33–35. Ernest Mandel states that the “proven old tactic” of German social democracy did not think about the revolution’s imminence. Rosa Luxemburgo y la Socialdemocracia Alemana. Edition from Marxists Internet Archive, August, 2009. http://www.marxists.org/espanol/mandel/1971/marzo/rosa_l_y_la_socdem_alemana.html.

  19. 19.

    Lenin, V.I. ¿Qué hacer?, Op.cit., pp. 127; 168, 172, 183, 186, 198, 233; 242; 246. Un paso adelante, dos pasas atrás. Selected works in 3 volumes, Op.cit., vol. 1, pp. 232–233.

  20. 20.

    The original critique came from Luxemburg ; the other authors have gradually defined their position. See the works cited in the present work, as well as:

    1. 1)

      Lukács, G. Historia y conciencia de clases, Editorial Ciencias Sociales, Havana, 1970, p. 72 and the essays “Critical considerations on Rosa Luxemburg’s critique of the Russian revolution” and “Methodological considerations on the organization matter”;

    2. 2)

      Gramsci , A. Espontaneidad y dirección consciente. Marxist Internet Archive, 2002;

    3. 3)

      Althusser , L. Por Marx , Edicion Revolucionaria, Havana, 1966, p. 12.

  21. 21.

    She was the first Marxist—in the Stuttgart Congress (1898) and the Hanover Congress (1899) of the German Party —to criticize the revisionist and also the orthodox reformism , which reached a crisis on August 4th 1914 in the vote for the war credits in the German parliament. See: Reform or Revolution (1900).

  22. 22.

    Mandel argues that Luxemburg developed the Theory of the Revolution for the West and Lenin for the East. Rosa Luxemburgo y la Socialdemocracia Alemana, Op.cit. The influence was such that, in the 1920s, Korsch considered the “Leninist” and the “Luxemburgist” tendencies were both present in the Third International. See: The Present State of the Problem of Marxism and Philosophy. Marxismo y Filosofía, Op.cit., Notes 97 and 98, pp. 66–67; and Korsch , K. Lenin and the Comintern. Marxismo y Filosofía, pp. 110–111.

  23. 23.

    Luxemburgo, R. Problemas de organización de la socialdemocracia rusa, Selected Works in 2 volumes, Editorial Pluma, Bogota, 1976, vol. 1, pp. 149–150.

  24. 24.

    He states that, when absolute powers are given to the centre, “we dangerously strengthen the conservatism inherent to such organisms…” He adds: “nothing will contribute as much to the submission of a young workers’ movement by an intellectual elite eager for power, as this bureaucratic straitjacket, that will paralyze the Party and turn it into an automaton operated by a Central Committee …” The “most effective guarantee against the opportunistic intrigue and the personal ambition” is the “independent revolutionary action of the proletariat” where the workers gain “political responsibility and self-confidence.” Idem., pp. 156; 162.

  25. 25.

    With the “blind subordination … of all organizations to the centre”, the Central Committee became the “only thinking organism in the Party. The other ones would be its executing arms”. Idem., pp. 150–152.

  26. 26.

    He ended up asserting that “the working-class demands the right to make its own mistakes and learn in the dialectics of history,” for “the errors made by a truly revolutionary movement are infinitely more fruitful than the infallibility of the shrewdest Central Committee .” Conclusively: “the only subject” that deserves the leader’s roll is the collective “ego” of the working-class. Idem., pp. 154; 156; 162; 166.

  27. 27.

    See for example, works mentioned in this text by H. Gorte r; A. Pannekoek ; as well as by E. Mandel.

  28. 28.

    Kautsky , K. The dictatorship of the proletariat. In www.marxists.org/archive/kautsky/1918/dictprole/ch03.htm. Lenin. The dictatorship of the proletariat and the renegade Kautsky . Contra el revisionismo. Foreign Language Editions, Moscow, 1959, pp. 440–444.

  29. 29.

    Luxemburg , R. La Revolución Rusa. Selected Works in two volumes, Vol. 2, Op.cit. See items 4; 5; 6; and 8, and pp. 206; 216.

  30. 30.

    Her enthusiasm was contained, for by 1917—like Lenin and Trotsky —she trusted the destiny of the Bolshevik Revolution to international support from the Western Revolution, especially in Germany. She had reasons for being sceptical. Letter of Rosa Luxemburg to Mehring (November 24th, 1917). Marx ahora, Havana, No. 4–5, 1997–1998.

  31. 31.

    La Revolución Rusa. Op.cit., pp. 212; 214–215. On the educative function for the masses of the exercise of democracy, see item 6 of the Selected Works of Luxemburg .

  32. 32.

    The admission requirements in the Third International (item 12; 15; 16; and 18) established the obligatory fulfilment of: the decisions of the Executive Committee and the Congresses—which included an homogeneous revolutionary tactic for Western countries—spreading the International’s official documents across the press of the different parties; and the constitution of the communist parties as centralized organizations, with leading sections of “broad powers” and “iron discipline.” See: Admission requirements of the Parties in the Communist International. Los cuatro primero Congresos de la Internacional Comunista. Digital Editions of Izquierda Revolucionaria, 2008, www.marxismo.org, pp. 129–134. Lenin, V.I. Entry requirements for the Communist International. Contra el Revisionismo, Op.cit., pp. 628–635.

  33. 33.

    In World Revolution and Communist Tactics (1920), by A. Pannekoek and, in Open Letter to Comrade Lenin (1920), by H. Gorter , there is a critical response to Lenin’s leaflet “Left-wing” Communism, an Infantile Disorder (1920) and to the tactics for the revolution in the West (based on the Russian experience) endorsed in the Second Congress of the International. Pannekoek mentions in his Postface that the International’s centralized scheme favored the leading role and imposition of Bolshevik ideology in relation to the Communist parties’ leadership. Conclusively, this organizational form did not “just” correspond to the “needs of the communist agitation” in the West, but also to the “political needs of Soviet Russia.” Its consequence was to design misguided tactics, which were to be “homogeneously” applied. Revolución mundial y táctica comunista. In http://www.geocities.com/cica_web. Taken from: El marxismo de Pannekoek y Gorter , Editorial Pluto, Londres, 1978, p. 26.

  34. 34.

    “The experience of the triumphant dictatorship of the proletariat in Russia has revealed … that unconditional centralization and the most severe discipline of the proletariat are a fundamental condition of the victory over the bourgeoisie .” Lenin, V.I. La enfermedad infantil del “izquierdismo” en el comunismo. Selected Works in 12 Volumes, Op.cit., volume XI, p. 4.

  35. 35.

    Pannekoek , A. Revolución mundial y táctica comunista, Op.cit, pp. 9; 18; 25; 27–28. Gorter remarked: “You satirize the controversies that, in Germany, revolve around ‘the dictatorship of the bosses or the masses’, of ‘the base or the top’, etc., declaring it silly … unfortunately! … we are still looking for suitable leaders that don’t aspire to dominate the masses and don’t betray them and, as long as we don’t have them, we defend everything be done from the bottom to the top, and for the dictatorship of the masses themselves … This is also applied to the iron discipline and centralization…” Open letter to comrade Lenin. La izquierda comunista germano-holandesa contra Lenin, Espartaco Internacional Edition, 2004, pp. 148–150; 165–166; 174; 176; 181–182. Pannekoek carries on with these theses in subsequent works.

  36. 36.

    Gorter , H. Open letter to comrade Lenin. La izquierda comunista germano-holandesa contra Lenin. Op.cit., pp. 157–159; 177; 180; 187; 207; 226–228.

  37. 37.

    This is a well-known passage of Pannekoek : “if the most important element of the revolution consists in the masses taking on their own matters … with their … hands … any form of organization that doesn’t allow the control and leadership of the masses … is counterrevolutionary and … it should … be replaced by another form … that prepares the workers … to actively determine everything … this new form of organization can only be structured in the process of the revolution, through the revolutionary intervention workers have done.” Revolución mundial y táctica comunista, Op.cit., pp. 9–14. See also:

    1. 1)

      Pannekoek , A. Lenin as philosopher. A critical examination of the foundations of Marxism. La izquierda germano-holandesa contra Lenin, Op.cit, pp. 376–377; 380;

    2. 2)

      Gorter , H. Open letter to comrade Lenin.Op.cit., pp. 163; 177; 181–182; 227.

  38. 38.

    Korsch , K. The present state of the problem of Marxism and philosophy (Anti-critique) In Marxismo y filosofía, Op.cit., p. 63.

  39. 39.

    Marcuse, H. El marxismo soviético. Alianza Editorial, 1969, pp. 36–38; 45. Also, Mandel restates that centralism implied the proletariat’s transformation into an object (instead of a subject) of the revolution. La teoría leninista de la organización, Op.cit., p. 20.

  40. 40.

    Ibid.

  41. 41.

    Thesis: the trade unions as “school” and “drive belt” of the dictatorship of the proletariat; “politics is the most concentrated expression of economy”; the fact there is in Russia a “workers’ state with a bureaucratic distortion.” Los sindicatos, el momento actual y los errores del camarada Trotsky , Complete Works, Editorial Progreso, Moscow, 1973, vol. 11, pp. 138–139; 143.

  42. 42.

    Lenin, V.I. Preliminary Draft Resolution of the 10th Congress of the Communist Party of Russia on the Party Unity. Contra el revisionismo, Op.cit., pp. 639–643.

  43. 43.

    Lenin, V.I. Los sindicatos, el momento actual y los errores del camarada Trotsky , Op.cit., vol. 11, p. 138.

  44. 44.

    Lenin, V.I. Letter to the Congress. La última lucha de Lenin. Editorial Ciencias Sociales, Havana, 2011, pp. 210–216.

  45. 45.

    Lenin, V.I. How should we reorganise the workers’ and peasants’ inspection? La última lucha de Lenin, Op.cit., pp. 263; 270.

  46. 46.

    Lenin, V.I. Letter to the Congress, Op.cit., pp. 210; 212.

  47. 47.

    The Fundamentals of Socialism in Cuba (Los fundamentos del Socialismo en Cuba, 1943), by Blas Roca (Secretary-General of the PSP ), was a widely circulated text before the revolution and during the 1960s. The text tried to understand the history of Cuba from the pattern of the five forms of production, diffused by Soviet manuals. Furthermore, during the 1940s and 50s, the PSP carried out several self-criticisms for its poor focus on theoretical progress.

  48. 48.

    There were attempts at “sectarianism” (1962) and “factionalism ” (1968) on the part of some former members of the dissolved PSP , with regards to the new revolutionary leaders and citizens that joined the new PCC .

  49. 49.

    “In the course of this crisis … some discrepancies arose […] We must discuss it with the Soviets…” Report of the Commander in Chief Fidel Castro to the people of Cuba . Posición de Cuba ante la crisis del Caribe. COR; 1962; pp. 71; 73.

  50. 50.

    “We can disagree … with any Party.” “It is impossible [that] … we could conceive Marxism as … a Church … a religious doctrine, with its Pope, its Rome and its Ecumenical Council…” Speech delivered by Fidel, First Secretary of the PCC and Prime Minister of the Revolutionary Government in the Presentation Act of the CC-PCC. Granma, October 4, 1965.

  51. 51.

    “We ask ourselves if … the relations to the Communist Parties are based in principled stands or if they will still be presided over by the level of un-conditionality, satellitism, lackey-ism, and they will only consider as friends, those who unconditionally accept everything and are absolutely unable to disagree on anything.” Discurso de análisis de los acontecimientos de Checoslovaquia. COR., No. 16, 1968, p. 25.

  52. 52.

    The Cuban–Argentinean “Che” Guevara specified the position of Cuba in this respect: “As Marxists, we have sustained that pacific coexistence … does not encompass the coexistence between exploiters and the exploited…” Guevara , E. In the 19th General Assembly of the United Nations. Ernesto Che Guevara . Obras. Casa de las Américas, Havana, 1970, Vol. II, p. 544.

  53. 53.

    This polemic had international significance. Among its main figures were several Cuban ministers and specialists, as well as established international Marxist theoreticians such as Charles Bettelheim.

  54. 54.

    This statement is present in Words for the intellectuals (1960), by Fidel Castro . In Revolución y cultura, Vol. 2, February 5, 1969. Also in Socialism and man in Cuba . Ernesto Che Guevara . Obras. 1957–1967. Op.cit.; pp. 378–379.

  55. 55.

    Estatutos del PCC . Chapter I. In http://congresopcc.cip.cu/wp-content/uploads/2011/01/estatutos.pdf.

  56. 56.

    The 5th Article of the Constitution declares: “The Communist Party of Cuba , Marxist –Leninist and follower of the ideas of Martí, organized vanguard of the Cuban nation, is the superior leading force of society and the State, which organizes and guides the common efforts towards the high aims of building socialism and the advance towards the communist society”.

  57. 57.

    “The Communist Party of Cuba is organically structured and it develops its inner life on the basis of the strictest observance of the Leninist principle of democratic centralism, that combines a strict and conscious discipline with the broadest internal democracy, the exercise of collective leadership, individual responsibility and practice.” Estatutos del PCC , Chapter I. Op.cit.

  58. 58.

    “Al PCC corresponde la responsabilidad de controlar, impulsar y exigir el cumplimiento de los Lineamientos” Lineamientos de la Política Económica y Social del Partido y la Revolución, págs. 6; 38. In: www.cubadebate.cu/wp-content/uploads/2011/05/folleto-lineamientos-vi-cong-pdf.

  59. 59.

    Idem., p. 9.

  60. 60.

    Espina, M. La política social en Cuba : nueva reforma económica. Revista Ciencias Sociales, No. Especial 135–136 (I-II), 2012, p. 234. En otro texto, Espina menciona a varios investigadores cubanos que consideran la existencia de “obstáculos” a la participación ciudadana, incluso, a través de la red de organizaciones ya establecidas. El caso cubano en diálogo de contraste. Políticas de atención a la pobreza y la desigualdad: examinando el rol del Estado en la experiencia cubana. CLACSO, Buenos Aires, 2008, pp. 143–144.

  61. 61.

    Espina, M. Viejas y Nuevas Desigualdades en Cuba . Ambivalencias y perspectivas de la estratificación social. Revista Nueva Sociedad; No 216; 2008, p. 146.

  62. 62.

    Delgado, C. J. Ciencia, tecnología y ciudadanía: cambios fundamentales y desafíos éticos. Revista Universidad de la Habana, No. 276, 2013, pp. 44–45.

  63. 63.

    About the origin (attributed to Hugo Chávez) and the essence of this concept, see: Dieterich , H. Hugo Chávez y el Socialismo del siglo XXI. In http://doc.noticias24.com/0708/dieterich24.pdf. Dietriech, H. El socialismo del siglo XXI. In http://www.rebelion.org/docs/121968.pdf Harnecker, M. Cinco reflexiones sobre el socialismo. In http://www.rebelion.org/docs/147047.pdf Correa , R. Conferencia Magistral sobre el “socialismo del siglo XXI” (2008). In http://www.presidencia.gob.ec/wp-content/uploads/downloads/2014/02/12-08-Conferencia_socialismo_sigloXXI_Iran.pdf Chávez, H. El socialismo del siglo XXI. Colección Cuadernos para el debate, 2011. In http://www.portalalba.org/biblioteca/CHAVEZ%20HUGO.%20Socialismo%20del%20Siglo%20XXI.pdf.

  64. 64.

    M. Harnecker; I. Rauber. Hacia el socialismo del siglo XXI. La izquierda se renueva. pp. 14–15. In http://bibliotecavirtual.clacso.org.ar/clacso/otros/20111108110655/siglo.pdf.

  65. 65.

    Harnecker, M. Cinco reflexiones sobre el socialismo (26/3/2012), Op.cit., p. 3. On the other hand, Harnecker and Rauber explain that what people in Latin America knew about was the “Stalinist departure from Lenin’s ideas and not his original conception”. Hacia el socialismo del siglo XXI: la izquierda se renueva. Op.cit., p. 26. At any rate, there was “an acritical copy of the Bolshevik model of the Party”. Harnecker. Acerca del sujeto político capaz de responder a los desafíos del siglo XXI. P. 2. In http://webcache.googleusercontent.com/search?q=cache:8-wYbwL58gAJ:omegalfa.es/downloadfile.php%3Ffile%3Dlibros.

  66. 66.

    Dietrich, H. Hugo Chávez y el Socialismo del siglo XXI. Op.cit., p. 105.

  67. 67.

    Correa , R. Conferencia Magistral sobre el “socialismo del siglo XXI”. Op.cit., p. 40. Harnecker and Rauber don’t admit the identity between the Party and the vanguard. They propose (unlike Lenin) a “collective or shared vanguard”. Hacia el siglo XXI: la izquierda se renueva. Op.cit., p. 13; 60. On his side, Rauber asserts that “to speak nowadays about the vanguard is nonsense.” Los dilemas del sujeto. Op.cit.; p. 38.

  68. 68.

    Chávez,H. El socialismo del siglo XXI. Colección Cuadernos para el debate, 2011. pp. 80; 84–86; 98. In http://www.portalalba.org/biblioteca/CHAVEZ%20HUGO.%20Socialismo%20del%20Siglo%20XXI.pdf.

  69. 69.

    Rauber, I. Social transformation in the 21st century: a path of reforms or revolution? Pasado y Presente XXI, June, 2014; p. 4. In www.rebelion.org/docs/511.pdf Rauber, I. Hegemony, popular power and common sense. Rebelión. (22-08-2015). Op.cit. Harnecker, M. Cinco reflexiones sobre el socialismo (26/3/2012), Op.cit., p. 4.

  70. 70.

    In addition to the cited texts by Rauber and Harnecker, see: Gallardo, H. Luchas revolucionarias e imaginario marxista de los movimientos sociales. P. 6. In http://bibliotecavirtual.clacso.org.ar/ar/libros/cuba/if/marx/documentos/22/Luchas%20revolucionarias%20e%20imaginario%20marxista.pdf.

  71. 71.

    Harnecker, M. Acerca del sujeto político capaz de responder a los desafíos del siglo XXI. Op.cit.; p. 28.

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  1. Faculty of Philosophy and History, University of Havana, Havana, Cuba

    Natasha Gómez Velázquez

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    Norman Levine

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Gómez Velázquez, N. (2018). Lenin’s Conception of the Party. In: Rockmore, T., Levine, N. (eds) The Palgrave Handbook of Leninist Political Philosophy. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-51650-3_11

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