Abstract
This chapter examines China’s “Singapore model” as the key positive example in the Mainland’s attempt to become an effective authoritarian learner. Here the emphasis is less on new policies adopted (with a focus on Chinese interest in Singapore’s successful anti-corruption drive) than on ideological lessons learned. China did show interest in improving governance by adopting policies that they believed made the tiny Southeast Asian city-state “perfectly managed.” But given the very different political “DNA” of the two countries, policy diffusion was unsurprisingly limited. Rather, “learning” in the end was primarily ideological as Chinese observers sought reinforcement of their belief that authoritarianism could continue to be justified once substantial economic advancement had been achieved.
This chapter draws extensively on my previous work with Stephan Ortmann (Ortmann and Thompson 2014, 2016, 2018; Thompson and Ortmann 2018) with whom I have been working on this (rather implausible) project for a number of years. It is hard to believe that gigantic China seeks inspiration from a tiny “red dot” of a country in Southeast Asia. Yet, until recently at least, Singapore had become an influential model for the Chinese Communist Party’s quest to modernize while remaining authoritarian.
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Notes
- 1.
Huang Jing and his wife, both Chinese citizens resident in Singapore, were expelled from the city-state in 2017 “for working with a foreign government to influence Singapore’s foreign policy and public opinion” (Straits Times 2017). While Huang was both a prominent scholar and a commentator in Singapore with a strong interest in how the city-state served as a model for Chinese officials and academics, the Singapore government apparently felt that he had gone too far—identifying him as an “agent of influence” for a foreign government (Shaffer 2017). Huang’s boss at the Lee Kuan Yew School was Kishore Mahbubani, who had earlier run into resistance by suggesting that Singapore’s foreign policy be more deferential to China, an issue briefly discussed in the introduction.
- 2.
In this regard it is interesting to note that Jon Quah, cited above for his discussions of the role of political will by political leaders in the successful fight against corruption in Singapore, has recently offered a skeptical assessment of Xi Jinping’s anti-corruption drive in China. Because of the lack of rule-governed, institutionalized approach to combating malfeasance , Quah (2015, 96) predicts that “even if President Xi continues his anti-corruption campaign” until the end of his time in office, “without tackling the underlying causes of corruption , no anti-corruption campaign, no matter how long it lasts or how intensive it is, can minimize the systemic corruption in China.”
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Thompson, M.R. (2019). Learning Authoritarian Modernism: China’s “Singapore Model”. In: Authoritarian Modernism in East Asia. Security, Development and Human Rights in East Asia. Palgrave Pivot, New York. https://doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-51167-6_4
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